THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940

The cultural needs of the Hungarians under Romanian rule were satisfied by various associations, by theatrical performances, by the Hungarian press, and above all by various Hungarian literary associations. The most prestigious of these associations was the Transylvanian Museum Association (E.M.E), the Hungarian Cultural Association of Transylvania, the various casinos, women's associations, and choral and reading clubs. The Hungarians of Transylvania were served by the permanent theatrical company of Cluj and various traveling companies struggling with constant difficulties. The press was represented by dailies and various trade journals. All these organizations tried to perform their function under similar difficulties during the Romanian regime.

Like the Romanian Astra, the Transylvanian Museum Association was established during the Austrian autocratic regime that came to power in 1849. Founded in 1959, it was always basically Hungarian because of its membership and its objectives. Naturally, it opted for Hungarian as its official language and even the representative of the Austrian autocratic regime recognized its Hungarian character without ado. Under the Austrian regime the ruler had the final word in the selection of its officials.

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Eventually, as a result of the sacrifices made by its members, the association acquired a rich scientific patrimony. Its collection of minerals, its botanical collection, its enormously valuable library and other collections grew out of individual donations. When the Hungarian University of Cluj was founded in 1872, this collection of the E.M.E. was rented for purposes of university instruction. From then on the various collections, including the zoological, the botanical, the mineral, and the library itself were at the disposal of the university, and the Hungarian state in charge of the university paid a rental determined by contract. Members of the university were delegated as curators of the various collections. If the association trusted a given university professor, the latter was customarily selected as its curator. The professors were usually elected members of the association, thus eliminating any chance of friction from the start. The relationship of the association to the state was regulated by a special contract. The contract was respected by the Hungarian state which always paid punctually, the rental stipulated for the usage of the various collections of the association. The association covered its expenses from this rental charge as well as from the revenue it derived from an apartment house it owned in Cluj. The association's expenditures included its scientific and popular cultural conferences as well as the cost of various publications. During the Hungarian regime the E.M.E. entertained friendly relations with the Romanian Astra; it was represented at several general assemblies, including the anniversary meeting of Astra at Blaj, when E.M.E. expressed its good wishes in a cable signed by its secretary.

The change in sovereignty entailed a radical alteration in the situation of the E.M.E. Soon the issue of the use and ownership of the scientific collections arose, as a consequence of which the legal status of E.M.E. remained unsettled throughout the duration of the regime. It could function only at the cost of enormous efforts, of a constant defensive struggle, and under various restrictions.

The Romanian government, as we have seen, took over the Hungarian University of Cluj by force on May 12,1919 and transformed it into a Romanian State University as of 1919-20. The officials of the Romanian University did not hesitate to use the scientific collections of the association. When, however, the E.M.E. requested the rental for the use of the collections the Romanian government refused to pay. ³³

At the same time the building owned by the Association was requisitioned by the housing office and no income was derived from it for over ten years.

Consequently, the financial situation of the E.M.E. became hopeless. At the beginning it could not hold meetings and conferences because of

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the state of emergency the Romanians declared in Cluj from 1918 to 1928. Thus E.M.E. became entirely inactive, not only because of its lack of a budget but also because of these external constraints. This state lasted for many years without any favorable turn in the situation of the association.

The officials of the association took the stand, from the start, that the contract between the association and the Hungarian state expired along with the Hungarian control of the territories and the closing down of the Hungarian Francis Joseph University. It offered therefore to sign a new contract with the Romanian state and to reserve the use of its collection for the Romanian university. The Romanian government did not accept this approach; regarding itself as the rightful heir of the Hungarian state, it considered the contract to be still in effect. Nevertheless, it refused to pay the yearly rental.

In 1921 the association elected new officials. These officials began to work on the legitimation of the association, but this project ran into enormous difficulties. The multitude of memoranda and deputations dispatched each year had but one result: at the recommendation of the Romanian faculty, the government began to claim the ownership of the collections of the association. But since it was forced to restrain itself, it attempted to achieve its objective in roundabout ways. One such way was to prevent the association from functioning and refuse recognition from its officials. The association, attempting to adapt to the new relations in 1924, modified its bylaws according to the prescriptions of the Romanian laws. It submitted the modified by-laws to the courts for approval and registration. But, upon a secret denunciation by Romanian professors from the University of Cluj, the modification of the bylaws was declared "forging of bylaws,' and charges were placed against the officials of the association. The officials were cleared during the proceedings. Under number 4.010/612-1925 the tribunal of Cluj recognized the E.M.E. as a legal entity, but required that it operate under the bylaws adopted in 1905. These bylaws prescribed that the selection of the board of directors of the association had to be reviewed by the ruler. Prompted by the professors of the Romanian University, the government insisted on maintaining this formality even though the Romanian constitution did not require confirmation by the ruler in the case of cultural associations. The Ministry appointed Dr. Nicolae Draganu, professor at the university, as the government's delegate to the association, in order to make sure that the bylaws of 1905 were observed.

In 1925, in order to resolve the issue of the ownership of the scientific collections that were at the core of the debate, a Romanian

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university professor, Dr. Alexandru Borza, came up with a clever device. He sent an application to the direction of the E.M.E. requesting the admission of 85 new Romanian members into the association. The candidates were well-known scholars in Romania. The bylaws of the association provided for rights as regards the admission of new members. The direction realized that if it admitted 85 Romanian members the association would have more Romanians than Hungarians. The Romanian majority could easily have voted for the surrender of the right of ownership over the scientific collections at a general meeting in order to hand these over to the university on a permanent basis. Indeed, this was the idea behind Borza's application, as it soon filtered out. The direction of the E.M.E. removed the issue of the admission of Romanian members from its agenda and brought about no decision. ³⁴

Having tried Borza's device the government returned to its former method. It declared that it would not recognize the officials of the association and would not submit their names for the king's approval. Therefore the officials of E.M.E. resigned and the association elected new officials. The government was notified regarding this new leadership and requested to submit the names for supreme confirmation. The government, however, left the memorandum unanswered for a while. Towards the end of 1926 the government finally informed the association that it had entrusted executive director Zenobie Paclisanu from the Ministry of Religious Affairs to negotiate with the leaders of the association. These negotiations, however, did not prove fruitful, because the Romanian government demanded that the association surrender its right of ownership to its scientific collections and hand these over to the Romanian university. The association refused to comply. Its new memorandum was left unanswered and the confirmation of its officials was delayed once again.

In 1928 Professor Borza renewed his former proposal regarding membership for 87 Romanian scholars. The officials of the association declared that they would agree to decide regarding the membership applications only if the legal status of the association was cleared satisfactorily. The conditions for this clarification were as follows: the E.M.E. should award membership to the 87 Romanian scholars, should correspond with the university in Romanian, should elect a Romanian vice-president and secretary, should use no more than 10,000 lei of the sum paid for the usage of the collection for administrative purposes, while the remainder would be earmarked for the maintenance of the collections. The proposal elicited a great deal of resentment among the members of the E.M.E. since it appeared that if it was accepted the collections would be confiscated. In the course of renewed negotiations

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in 1929 the officials of the E.M.E. went to great lengths for the sake of reaching an understanding, but insisted on retaining the right of ownership to the collections. Since the government was bent on removing these from Hungarian custody, the negotiations once again fell through. In 1930 the government once again resorted to the old method and declared that it refused to submit the names of the officials elected in 1925 for supreme confirmation. The Romanian professors at the University of Cluj also repeated the moves they had attempted formerly and denounced the association to the court that had jurisdiction over legal persons. The denunciation proved without merit and they were unable to force the association to give up its collections. After four years of hesitations the government finally submitted the names of the officials who by then had been operating for almost ten years for the confirmation of the ruler. Thus part of the dispute was settled, but the right of ownership was still not clarified. During the entire period the university was able to use the scientific collections without paying anything.

Because of the international conjuncture in 1938 it became necessary to rectify the most blatant injustices, at least on paper. The minutes of the cabinet meeting held on August 1, 1938, included a promise to clarify the situation of the Museum Association. ,'The situation of the Transylvanian Museum Association is settled in a just manner in accordance with the provisions of its charter." Unfortunately no concrete measure was adopted to fulfill the promise and the legal status of the E.M.E. remained in limbo.

This protracted struggle was prejudicial to the activities of the association. The work launched in 1921 in its various sections was soon halted. The members of the association grew pessimistic and the organization of scientific conferences appeared futile to many of them. Authorization to hold conferences encountered enormous difficulties and, because of its dire financial straits, it was often unable to cover the most minimal expenses. The apartment house owned by the association provided practically no income because of the requisitions and the forced lodgings. For ten years the association did not even have sufficient funds to print the programs of the conferences, and the most basic expenses, such as postage, had to be covered by donations from members.

In 1930 the apartment building was finally released from the various requisitions and, at the same time, the legal status of the association was cleared to some extent. Another factor that contributed to the circumstances was that in 1928 a royal decree lifted prior censorship and the state of emergency that had been declared ten years

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earlier. With a sigh of relief the association began to reorganize its former activities. It held conferences and meetings, organized tours, and became most active in popularizing the sciences in the provincial towns. Thereafter it organized tours yearly, providing the Hungarians in the provincial towns with a great deal of satisfaction. Hungarian scholars were welcomed at Tirgu Mures, Aiud, Baia Mare [Nagybanya], Brasov, Sfintu Gheorghe, Odorheiu Secuiesc, and Turda in turn, where they gave account of the latest scientific achievements under the suspicious eyes of the Romanian authorities. Unfortunately, after 1934 the difficulties kept increasing. Prior censorship was reintroduced in 1934, as was the state of siege, setting up obstacles to the authorization of tours. The speakers at a conference in Turda were harassed by the police, whereas the popularizing lectures in Cluj were banned for several months on account of a history lecture.

Nevertheless, the work of the E.M.E. was significant even under the circumstances. By the end of 1937 it had sponsored 237 conferences, 114 lectures in philosophy, philology, and history, 163 lectures in the natural sciences, and 257 in medical science. During the first twenty years of Romanian rule it published eight volumes of the periodical Erdelyi Muzeum [Museum of Transylvania], including 903 articles and 45 tables totaling 3,400 pages. Its series Erdelyi Tudomanyos Fuzetek [Scientific Notebooks of Transylvania] printed 101 works on 2,730 pages. ³⁵ Moreover, it published memorial volumes pertaining to five tours. On the occasion of its 75th anniversary it published an index to its scientific publications and commissioned the history of its various sections. In addition to all this it guided and kept a record of the literary and scientific activities of the Hungarian population of Transylvania, and provided the most needed services to promote these. Had it not been for the obstacles set against it by the Romanian governments it would certainly have played an even more important role. Under the circumstances, its significance and situation were nothing like what was enjoyed by Astra under Hungarian rule, during the period of the Dual Monarchy.

Before World War I the Hungarian Cultural Association of Transylvania, or E.M.K.E. by its Hungarian initials, considered the redemption of the Hungarian population scattered in predominantly Romanian areas as one of its tasks. It attempted to redeem the Hungarian children in the villages or areas subject to the Romanianization process. With the help of various foundations it established an agri-

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cultural school at Geoagiu [Algyogy]. It tried to achieve this by social and cultural means rather than pressure from the authorities. The Romanians, however, regarded these activities as nothing less than criminal, and the E.M.K.E. was subjected to the most vehement attacks in the press already during that period: it was accused of forced Hungarianization, of racism.

After the change of sovereignty it lost all its estates with the exception of 69 holds of forests. The expropriation was illegal since the law stipulated that in addition to the buildings, the yards, and orchards the E.M.K.E. would have been entitled to 100 holds of fields, 200 holds for its agricultural institute and 30 holds of land for its orphanage on account of its status as a model estate. The association appealed the decision of the agrarian committee in the first instance to a higher court, on the basis of this law. It received no response for years, until 1930. Then the E.M.K.E., realizing that the Comitetul Agrar was delaying the discussion of the case without justification, retracted its appeal, as permitted by law. The Comitetul Agrar, however, declared that it would not accept the retraction, inasmuch as it now intended to reach a decision. ³⁶ Of course, it brought about the decision in a biased way and E.M.K.E. lost all its material possession except for those 69 holds.

In the meantime the Romanian owners settled on the expropriated lands. The agricultural institute of Geoagiu was Romanianized and no further Szekely children for whom the institute had been intended were allowed to enroll in it. In 1924 the tomb of Count Kocsard Kun, the founder of the institute, was broken into and desecrated by "unknown culprits." The officials of the E.M.K.E. requested the Romanian administration of the agricultural institute to restore the crypt, but all in vain. The request was ignored; what's more, the unknown culprits broke into the crypt a second and a third time and scattered the bones of the great founder. The association could not defend the memory of its former founder effectively because it had to battle for its own survival. An investigation was launched against the E.M.K.E. as a consequence of attacks in the Romanian press. Albeit the first investigation cleared the association, the attacks in the press were renewed, and a second investigation was launched. Then investigations followed each other in quick succession, some lasting up to two years. Finally the Romanian university professor in charge of the investigation cleared the association, but its legal status was recognized only after fifteen years of struggle. It could begin its work once again in 1935. Since for fifteen years its was not recognized as a legal entity it was out of touch with the Hungarian public to the point where it could

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reorganize only slowly. In fact, it did not engage in any significant activity during the remaining years of the period. ³⁷

The history of the two great Hungarian associations was typical of the fate of all other cultural associations. Indeed, most Hungarian associations were closed down already in the first years of the Romanian regime. The recognition of the legal entity of those that survived came about only as a result of lengthy processes. Sometimes the documents submitted got lost, and it took years to replace them. It was extremely difficult to establish new associations and, after a while, completely impossible. A typical example is that of the Hungarian Nation's League Association of Romania. The objective of the association was to popularize the League of Nations, along the lines of similar organizations in other countries. The Hungarian representatives would have liked to establish it in Cluj, but they were unable to secure authorization to hold the organizational meeting for two years, on account of the strict measures of the state of emergency. The founding assembly met in 1927 at Odorheiu Secuiesc. The application for recognition as a legal entity was rejected by the Ministry of the Interior (under number 40.577/1927) on grounds that "legal entity cannot be granted to the Hungarian Nation's League Association of Romania." ³⁸

Of all the associations the choral societies enjoyed relatively better opportunities for organization. Choral societies were organized by the Hungarian Choral Association of Romania, founded on November 13, 1921. At this time there were altogether 31 choral clubs in former Hungarian areas. Thanks to the association's determined effort over the years, 356 more clubs were established, and thanks to the guidance of the association these clubs performed commendable work on behalf of Hungarian musical culture. The association organized district and national competitions, and took the initiative for the annual commemoration of the death of the great Hungarian poet, Sandor Petofi, held every year at Sighisoara on July 31. In addition to the competitions, the association organized courses for choral directors. In the thirties the association sometimes encountered difficulties in holding the contests because the Romanian authorities viewed even these with suspicion. Therefore the leaders of the association tried to secure authorization for these competitions by requesting some member of the royal family to act as official sponsor. The request met with a favorable response on several occasions and ensured authorization for the contests.

Hungarian cultural life in general was paralyzed by prior censorship and the state of emergency which were in effect, except for five years, during the twenty-two years of the regime in most areas inhabited by Hungarians. The censors often rendered even the most innocent

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manifestations of Hungarian culture impossible. They hampered not only the press and theatrical performances, but limited the possibility of publishing books as well. Hence the cultural opportunities available to the Hungarian population outside of the schools were just as limited as those available within the schools.

These limitations were particularly evident when it came to the press and theatrical performances. These two important aspects of culture outside the school walls could become factors only under the most sever restrictions.

Before World War I the Hungarian press in Transylvania was extensive, by provincial standards. Of course, this press was not of a standard to compete with that of Budapest, but it served Hungarian cultural ends well by its coverage of local issues and by providing space for literary talents. The great pioneer and master of Hungarian journalism, Miklos Bartha began his brilliant career in Cluj. There were something like fifteen to twenty dailies and innumerable weeklies and journals published in Transylvania immediately before the change in sovereignty.

The change in sovereignty placed Transylvanian journalism on an entirely new footing. The leading role of Budapest came to an end. A new Hungarian press evolved within the boundaries of the new country, mostly from Transylvanian and Hungarian papers already in existence. Placed on an independent footing the Hungarian dailies soon divested themselves of their provincial character and assumed an increasingly nationwide significance. The Hungarian population, isolated from the Hungary of Trianon and its press, and under Romanian rule, became avid readers. "One of the touching manifestations of the great collapse," wrote the famous journalist Spectator (Miklos Krenner) in this connection, "was that people began to read feverishly according to what they felt most deeply during the dire moments of chaos: pain, hesitation, unemployment, compulsion to criticize or to act." ³⁹

It was mainly the new Hungarian press of Transylvania that satisfied this yearning for reading materials. Most cities soon acquired their own weekly, or even daily. Dailies circulated at Arad, Timisoara, Brasov, Oradea, and Cluj, whereas elsewhere it was mostly weeklies. While before World War I Arad and Oradea had been the centers of the press of Transylvania, soon after the war Cluj became the undebatable center of the Hungarian press. It was the city with the largest Hungarian population, the Romanian Governing Council moved there

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from Sibiu, the most important Hungarian institutions were formed here, and the Bucharest embassies of various countries set up consulates here. A11 these factors contributed to making Cluj the center of the Hungarian press of Transylvania.

Two newspapers distinguished themselves among the dailies of Cluj from the beginning: the Keleti Ujsag and the Ellenzek. Both became recognized factors in the intellectual life of the Hungarians of Transylvania. Other dailies of nation-wide significance evolved in Brasov, (Brassoi Lapok) and Timisoara (Temesvari Hirlap), etc.

The first decade of the history of the Hungarian press in Romania was characterized by favorable financial conditions. Often the only reading material the impoverished Hungarian masses could afford was the inexpensive newspaper. Thus journalism even became good business in those years. ⁴⁰ It sufficed to recruit a few writers and rent them a place by the month to launch a new paper. Quite a few Transylvanian papers got started in this way. Naturally this situation was harmful to the more serious press, since often persons without any talent or competence were hired as editors or journalists, and their activities resulted in amateur weeklies or dailies. Sometimes these papers managed to survive for quite a while by obtaining the support of the masses on account of their low cost.

It was during this period of the Hungarian press of Transylvania that the union of journalists was initiated by Janos Szekely, the editor of the economic journal Consum. At first it functioned under the name of Association of Journalists of the Minorities of Transylvania and the Banat. Its objectives were to protect and represent the professional interests of newspapermen. Such an institution was needed from the start because the papers were able to pay the journalists sufficient royalties to enable them to live well as a result of their profits. Soon another organization of journalists was launched in Cluj the so-called Journalist's Home, which maintained premises open only to journalists at the beginning. Similar clubs of journalists were formed in other cities. Unfortunately, in most places these clubs increasingly departed from their original purpose to become places of entertainment where roulette and other facilities contributed to the revenues collected. ⁴¹ These enterprises provided good income in most places to the journalists who had a share in the clubs. Its harmful effects soon became manifest because often the actual profession of the journalist became merely a second job, since the income from the club far exceeded the income they could obtain from their work as journalists. Naturally, this process led to a decrease in standards for the Hungarian press of Transylvania and served only to obtain a bad reputation for the journalist clubs. In the

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meantime, as economic conditions worsened and the rate of impoverishment of the Hungarians of Transylvania increased further, the publication of newspapers no longer proved profitable. Consequently many newspapers ceased publication, the journalists remained jobless or without a regular income, their only means of livelihood being their portion of the income derived from the clubs. Those journalists who had no share of the club lived in great poverty. In the thirties the publishers had to decrease the price of the issues of newspapers because of the general depression and this in turn led to decreases in the pay of the journalists, since the printing expenses could not be cut. Soon tabloids began to appear on the market, entailing a considerable decrease in the standards of the Hungarian press of Transylvania. The tabloids were issued by publishers who employed penny journalists, which led to terrible exploitation. By then the pay of journalists sank well below the level necessary to sustain life even in the case of those employed by the more serious dailies, hence the standards dropped all across the board. Soon the editorial offices were filled by personnel without any preparation or talent who took up journalism only to try to make ends meet. Civil servants and clerical personnel who had lost their jobs, other Hungarians who lost their jobs as a result of the Romanian language examination, retired persons or students who had failed, gave each access to the editorial offices hoping to make it as journalists. But even the worst trends have their positive side: this situation led to the publication of quite a few inexpensive papers. In addition to the Brassoi Lapok there was the Nepujsag, moreover the popular edition of the Keleti Ujsag, the Magyar Ujsag, as well as an edition of the Ellenzek under the title Esti Lap. At the end of this process there remained but four or five dailies of national significance, including the Erdelyi Lapok of Oradea, launched in 1932, which later assumed the title Magyar Lapok, dropping the name Transylvanian on account of the intervention of the censors. But even these papers of relatively large circulation had difficulty maintaining themselves.

Disregarding the impact of Romanian censorship it may be noted that the evolution of the Hungarian press faithfully reflected the predicament of the Hungarians of Transylvania. As long as the economic conditions of the Hungarian population were bearable the Hungarian press evolved normally. As the Romanian economic policies weighed more heavily on all classes of Hungarian society as a result of the depression of 1930's and of the policy of Romanianization, the development of the Hungarian press came to a halt. This situation was made worse by the well-known fact that during the fifteen years of the

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Greater Romanian regime there was prior censorship which along with other symptoms accompanying the state of emergency, practically paralyzed the Hungarian press. The next chapter will describe in greater detail the issue of censorship and of freedom of the press in general.

The Hungarian press of Romania had enormous influence. In addition to the schools and the churches, Hungarian newspapers and periodicals constituted the most important factors of Hungarian culture under the Romanian regime. The journalists, much like the priests, teachers, or professors, performed heroic tasks on behalf of Hungarian culture. Their area of effectiveness was considerable, since it extended to all strata of the Hungarian society of a million and a half This becomes clear from the circulation figures. The circulation of the leading dailies fluctuated between 6,000 and 15,000. The Brassoi Lapok and the Keleti Ujsag attained a circulation of 15,000 at their height, while the circulation of the Ellenzek did not exceed 12,000. All three papers catered to various strata of the Hungarian middle class. The daily with the highest circulation was the Jo Estet of Cluj. This was a tabloid of a kind, but well edited, selling up to 25,000 copies. The Nepujsag of Brasov sold in even greater number of copies, reaching 50,000 at one time. ⁴² It was a truly well-edited daily meant primarily for the peasant masses and distributed mainly among the villages of the neighboring Szekely counties. Under these circumstances, it is easy to see why the Hungarian press of Transylvania was so effective.

Inside and outside factors determined the tone and the content of the Hungarian press. The outside factors were primarily Romanian censorship and the Romanian press policies in general. As we shall see, these differed radically from the ones that prevailed under the Dual Monarchy with regard to the Romanian press of Hungary. Secondly, the tone and spirit of the Hungarian papers were determined by the value system of the editors and journalists, that is the perspective of the Hungarian middle class of Transylvania. Whoever pursues the volumes of the better known dailies and weeklies would note with surprise the moderate tone of the Hungarian papers. The sharp tone of hatred, the irredentist spirit so characteristic of the former Romanian papers were lacking in the Hungarian ones. True enough, even without such a tone the simple description of facts could have a really agitating effect. The mere description of the Romanian economic, linguistic, ecclesiastic, and cultural measures could considerably whip up Hungarian public opinion, already excited on account of its personal experiences.

Under the circumstances, it is clear that the activities of the Hungarian press and the stand it took played a decisive role on many

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issues. Indeed, in very many cases only the press was able to bring up certain matters that could not be discussed at church meetings, in the schools, nor anywhere else. It was largely with the help of the press that the Hungarian writers and scholars concerned about their language could improve the deteriorating usage, faulty spelling habits and faulty syntax. The movement for the correct syntax of the language reached the various strata of Hungarian society by means of the press, as did a number of historical and cultural values, the latest results obtained by Hungarian science and those aspects of foreign news about which the Romanian press kept silent. When the Romanian censorship rendered every kind of criticism impossible, the Hungarian press kept the Hungarian public informed by simply reprinting the communiqués and criticisms appearing in the Romanian press. This undertaking of the Hungarian press had enormous significance. The various strata of Hungarian society became acquainted with Romanian public opinion, the most important political events and the Romanian projects threatening them, thanks to this undertaking. The popular educational role assumed by every Hungarian daily with greater or lesser competence was particularly important. The most significant weekly in this regard was undoubtedly the Magyar Nep, published by the Minerva press of Cluj under the editorship of Domokos Gyallay; it was read avidly by the Hungarian villagers. The weekly Erdelyi Gazda, sponsored by the Agricultural Association of Transylvania, performed a similar task later.

The Hungarian theater of Transylvania had centuries-old traditions. The first permanent theater was built in Kolozsvar in 1821. This was the famous theater on Farkas Street which preceded the first theater in Pest by a decade and a half. Ever since then the Hungarian public in Transylvania had always manifested a lively interest in the theater. There were two permanent companies in Kolozsvar before World War I, while traveling companies put on shows in the provincial towns. In 1906 the theater on Farkas Street moved into the premises of the new National Theater. Its erection was made possible by the sale of the building on Farkas Street and by a loan provided by the Hungarian Commercial Bank of Pest. The Hungarian state, according to the minutes of the cabinet meetings of 1903, did not contribute at all to the expenses of construction. The director of the company was Dr. Jeno Janovics, a long time supporter of Hungarian cultural causes, who led this great Hungarian institution with competence, from its construction

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to the change in sovereignty of 1919. Janovics had a summer theater constructed near the permanent building along the promenade; lighter plays, musicals, and ballets were performed here from spring until fall. This building was called the "Szinkor." The site of this building was donated by the city of Kolozsvar "for Hungarian theatrical purposes, in perpetuity" whereas the costs of construction were assumed by the director without any support from the state or the municipality. The construction of this second theater was particularly fortunate for Hungarian drama in Kolozsvar and Transylvania, which soon was entirely relegated to these premises soon after 1919. ⁴³

A year-and-a-half after the arrival of the Romanian troops in December 1918, the secretary of state of the Romanian government, the oft-mentioned Onisifor Ghibu, took over the National Theater on Janos Hunyadi Square, by force, for the Romanian theater. The document of transfer was signed by the director, Jeno Janovics, Lajos Parlagi, and Kalman Gereb on the Hungarian side, and by Onisifor Ghibu, Vasile Hossu, and Constantin Pavel on the Romanian side. In this document Dr. Ghibu states that he is assuming control of the National Theater on behalf of the state, although Janovics was allowed to remain in charge for the time being.

Since it was obvious that the theater would soon be completely removed from Hungarian control, it occurred to Janovics to try to obtain the former theater building on Farkas Street, still in fair condition, for the Hungarian company. Therefore he requested the Romanian Governing Council of Sibiu to give him access to the theater on Farkas Street, and grant him the right to operate it for thirty years so that he might remodel it at his own expense, while his company would move out of the National Theater. The Governing Council replied to this proposal on September 16. The reply indicated that the former Hungarian National Theater was now a Romanian National Theater, whereas the Szinkor on the mall would remain available for Hungarian performances. Unless the performances at the Szinkor were initiated by the beginning of October all the members of the Hungarian company would be expelled from the country. Hence the Hungarian company had to leave the Hungarian National Theater by the end of October.

The last performance of the Hungarian National Theater was held on September 30: it was Shakespeare's Hamlet. The enormous house was sold out to the anxious and inwardly weeping Hungarian public. Even the foyers of the theater were filled to the brim. Endless applause greeted the great artists, Istvan Szentgyorgyi, Lili Poor, Aranka Laczko, and Janovics. The Romanian censorship had been in operation for already nine months, carefully perusing every play before its perfor-

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mance. It authorized only the first line of the great monologue of Hamlet. But even this line was enough, because the actor, instead of reciting the line in despair, recited those immortal words in a tone fired by the passion to survive: "To be or not to be, that is the question." One could hear the muffled or not so muffled response from the jam-packed audience: "We want to be and to live." The mood became more intense from minute to minute; the spectators listened to every moment of the performance with increasing passion, enthusiasm and determination. When the last words had sounded the audience stood up and staged a demonstration along with the sobbing actors. The detectives and agents penetrating into the hall soon herded the sobbing Hungarians out of the beautiful hall of the no longer Hungarian theater building. With this last great adventure the Hungarian language activity of the National Theater of Cluj came to an end.

By October 2 the entire Hungarian company was already at the Szinkor, where a performance was held on the 4th. They had to start once again from scratch. The entire equipment of the National Theater was left behind for the Romanians. Decors and costumes had to be secured anew, the equipment had to be expanded. But the Hungarian public supported the theater with great devotion and each performance was sold out to full houses.

In the Spring of 1921 the Romanian government tried to ban Hungarian theater. Then director Janovics sent an open letter to Octavian Goga, then Minister of Cultural Affairs. As one of the active representatives of Hungarian intellectual life in Transylvania, he requested Goga, to allow the 128 years old Hungarian company from Transylvania to continue to function. The Romanian and the Hungarian press commented on the letter in detail and, prompted by public opinion, Goga agreed to meet Janovics. As a result of the meeting the issue regarding the functioning of the theater as well as the request of the provincial company for authorization to perform were handled favorably. In accordance with Goga's directive in Arad, Oradea, Timisoara, Satu Mare, Deva, and the capital cities of the Szekely counties received permission to become the sites of per- formances by traveling companies in addition to the permanent company in Cluj. Altogether nine Hungarian companies performed in Transylvania. The loyalty of the audiences ensured the performances by the companies for years; the heyday of the theater in Transylvania was reborn. The Hungarian population, which had to retreat on every front, remained touching}y loyal to the Hungarian theater. Those employed by the companies were able to make a decent living. Of course, the company of Cluj was at an advantage; it catered to sizable

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crowds since it was permanent, and represented the old traditions of the largest Hungarian city. Among the actors we find the well-known Ferenc Taray, Margit Dajka, and two who were to become popular in Budapest as well: (Pufi) Sandor Tompa and Manyi Kiss.

After the progress of the first few years a decline set in, caused primarily by external factors. On March 17,1926 the Romanian House of Deputies passed a law which set the sales tax on tickets at Hungarian theaters at 25% as opposed to 13% for the Romanian theaters. This soon resulted in a decline of the Hungarian theater. The impoverishment of the Hungarian population contributed to the decline, as did the general crisis of the economy and of the theater, which soon became manifest all over the world. The Hungarian companies folded up one after the other. The better actors left the country whereas those who had stayed behind in Transylvania thanks to a visa, also left once their visa expired and they could not renew it. The crisis of the theater was felt equally and increasingly in Cluj and in the provinces. The support of the Hungarian press was all in vain, as were the many enthusiastic proposals for reconstruction: the process of decline caused by internal and external factors could not be halted. The authorities also exerted increasing pressure on the Hungarian actors and banned quite a few performances. The economic crisis was made worse by the fact that the government, under the guise of liberalism, put an end to the territorial restrictions set on the performances by directors. From then on directors and their agents engaged in cut-throat competition to secure the audiences of provincial towns. House to house pandering and other well-known marks of the misery surrounding Bohemian life became regular features once again. Complete financial bankruptcy soon made it impossible for most provincial companies to function.

Only the permanent company of Cluj remained. In 1928-29 it accepted responsibility for the direction of the theater at Oradea as well and organized a separate company for performances there. The following year Timisoara requested the same service. In 1930 the companies organized by Janovics put on 407 shows in Cluj, 397 at Oradea, as well as a large number of shows at Timisoara, Satu Mare and Baia Mare.

After 1930 the theater of Cluj was also experiencing dire difficulties as a consequence of the Depression. The Association of the Supporters of the Theater was formed; later it was Janovics and Company, a stockholders, corporation dealing in subscriptions for the theater and the movies, that tried to ensure the survival of the Hungarian theater. In 1933 Janovics retired from the theater and from its direction. The

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Thalia corporation, established that same year, took over the fundraising campaign. This corporation placed Imre Kadar at the head of the theater company. The company at Cluj became stronger as a consequence of Kadar's competent leadership and of the gradual recovery from the Great Depression. The series of performances it put on at Tirgu Mures, Oradea, Timisoara, and Brasov, in addition to Cluj itself, were evidence of this recovery.

The Hungarian theater was able to survive the Depression only by adapting entirely to the taste of its audience, since it could count on no other source of revenue. This adjustment, however, led to a decline of standards. The more serious Hungarian theatergoers witnessed with anxiety the loose and immoral plays that figured on the program. A struggle was soon launched to restore more serious theater. Within the framework of the Association of Supporters the best known representatives of Hungarian public life did everything to raise the standards, with support from the press; indeed, the Hungarian theaters soon turned to more serious theater and its popularization. Consequently the premiers of the valuable drama of Jozsef Nyiro, Karoly Kos, Aron Tamasi, and Istvan Nagy helped to make their names household words. The drama contests sponsored each year by the Theater at Cluj and the Art Guild of Transylvania also resulted in the production of valuable plays. Another innovation by the Theater was its open-air productions. These were held in the enormous courtyard of the Calvinist boarding-school adjoining the 400 year-old Reformed Church in the old town. The Hungarian audiences in Cluj and, soon thereafter, in the provinces, received these outdoor performances with a great deal of pleasure and appreciation.

The problem of replacement for the theater companies caused headaches. The company attempted to resolve this issue by organizing a course under the direction of Elemer Hetenyi. The course occasionally revealed individuals with great talent. Among these we find Aliz Fenyes, Sandor Tompa, Gyorgy Kovacs, and Istvan Nagy, who were to endow the company in Cluj with an aura of fame.

The Hungarian theater ensured the continuity of Hungarian dramatic arts in Transylvania under Romanian rule. It had enormous national significance, especially if we consider that these theaters were the only place besides the churches whence Hungarian speech could be heard by large audiences. Once the titles or subtitles of films could only be read in Romanian or some foreign language the Hungarian public relied even more heavily on the theater. This was also the period when Hungarian drama met its true calling and the enrichment of its programs. Performances were often banned; nevertheless Hungarian

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classics were usually authorized, thanks to the intervention of some understanding artistic supervisors such as Emil Isac. Performances of Bank Ban, Bizanc, and other plays prompted the Hungarian audiences to serious self-examination and thorough analysis of issues. There were times, however, when even the best known plays became banned. After 1937 the performance of Janos Vitez was banned, and even Az ember tragediaja [The Tragedy of Man] especially its revolutionary scene could only be performed by emendating significant portions of the play.

While Hungarian theater continued in Cluj relatively undisturbed, the activities of amateur groups that had replaced the theater companies encountered increasing difficulties in the provinces. Authorization for amateur performances became much like a sea serpent, without beginning or end. Authorization was tied to conditions which made it impossible to know in advance whether the play rehearsed for months could be presented or not. Consequently these amateur performances, so significant for promoting the solidarity of the peasant population and their education outside of the classroom, encountered the greatest difficulties throughout the regime. For instance, after 1934 it became impossible to obtain permission for any kind of amateur program in certain areas. Because of this insecurity healthy initiatives for the uniform direction of amateur productions could not take place. Several attempts were made to settle the issue of authorization in a uniform manner: these were unsuccessful during the Romanian regime because of the suspicious attitude of the authorities.

The Hungarian public would have liked to greet artists or companies from Budapest, who could have revitalized the programs of theater in Transylvania by their visiting performance. Unfortunately, such visits ran into great difficulties. Not once during the 22 years of the Romanian regime was there a visit by the National Theater of Budapest unlike what occurred during the Hungarian regime, when similar visits were authorized every year for the benefit of the Romanians. Conscious of the negative attitude of the authorities, Hungarian cultural leaders in Transylvania did not even think of it after one or two feeble attempts. Thus the Hungarian public could not experience what the Romanian public had been able to experience under Hungarian rule. Likewise the Romanian authorities did not show much understanding in the matter of facilitating performances by touring companies. Least of all, they had no understanding regarding amateur performances by the Hungarian peasantry.

The Hungarian population built cultural centers in some of the larger villages and often tried to use these premises for shows. The

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most interesting attempt of this kind took place at Sinmartin. On the initiative of clergyman Vilmos Balint, the Catholic League of Nations put on a series of performances repeated each year. With the help of smallholders, the cultural center was equipped with seating, a stage, and electric power. The local actors undertook the performance of increasingly ambitious plays, year after year, and the people were extremely interested. By 1932 they were putting on comedies by Moliere. Unfortunately the Romanian authorities made the continuation of this most interesting initiative impossible after 1934. Unitarian and Calvinist Church organizations made similar attempts. These attempts proved that everywhere the curiosity of the people could easily be aroused. But the Romanian authorities were most suspicious in this area, rendering the education of the peasantry outside of the schools virtually impossible after 1934.

Surveying the cultural life of the Hungarians under Romanian rule we may note that when the Romanian authorities did not intervene to hamper its progress, there were rather healthy initiatives and encouraging results. The theater, the press, the cultural organizations relied equally on support from the Hungarian population and blended increasingly with it. This was their only chance of survival; for these institutions did not receive, nor could they expect to receive any assistance from the Romanian state. As we have seen, the Romanian Astra had received government subsidies for decades in former times, and the Hungarian public as well as the provincial authorities attempted to help it by their courteous attitude during its general assembly meetings. Hungarian cultural associations did not encounter similar sympathy in Romania. Every Hungarian cultural organization had to face most severe difficulties, since their property had been taken away during the land reform, or by some other Romanian measure, whereas their work in the Hungarian environment, which might have enabled them to recoup their financial basis, was constantly hampered by the authorities. The state of siege, the censorship that lasted for fifteen years, the often contradictory official measures, the arbitrariness of the provincial authorities reduced Hungarian cultural activities to a minimum, or halted these completely. We shall see in the chapter on basic freedoms that Romanian cultural policies always viewed the issue of Hungarian culture from an ultra-nationalist point of view and subjected all cultural associations to strict political controls. This process often required heroic perseverance on the part of those who led and guided Hungarian cultural affairs.

The Romanian policies that prevailed with regard to the issue of Hungarian culture were all the more painful as Romanian associations

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received all kinds of support from the authorities. After 1919 the Astra became practically a government institution receiving millions in assistance from various ministries. While the Hungarian churches and Hungarian cultural associations very seldom benefited from the confiscation of Hungarian estates during the land reform, Astra received plots of land in almost every village in the Szekely area for the placing of various cultural centers. It acquired lots and buildings from the Private Properties of Ciuc county, and huge sums from the budgets of counties and municipalities earmarked for the subvention of Romanianizing activities in the Szekely area. In 1928 Astra received 600,000 lei from the Ministry of Education, 2,085,750 lei from the Ministry of Culture, 200,000 lei from the Ministry of Agriculture, and 300,000 lei from the Ministry of Health. In the same year the county, municipal, and community treasuries contributed 1,031,164 lei to the branches of Astra. The Act of 1926 on the Romanian theater also ensured an income from the tax on movie tickets for the purposes of Astra. In 1928 the Association received an income of 1,249,418 lei from this source, and estimated this source of revenue to increase to 3,500,000 lei. As a consequence of this enormous financial subvention Astra was able to build almost one hundred cultural centers in the purely or overwhelmingly Hungarian Szekely land, mostly with the help of forced labor obtained from local Hungarians.

As mentioned, the E.M.K.E. in the meantime was deprived of all financial support; for fifteen years, during which it was subjected to investigations, it fought a life and death struggle, while the E.M.E., also deprived of its financial base, became so impoverished that it could not even afford to print the programs of its conferences. Most likely the objective was the same as the one which guided Romanian cultural policies. Hungarian culture had to fight for its rights throughout the regime because, according to the Romanian concept, only culture in Romanian language should benefit from the freedom to develop and enjoy the goodwill of the authorities. It was simply the touching affection manifested by the Hungarian population towards its culture that made it possible for Hungarian culture to survive with rather impressive results.

Hungarian Literature in Transylvania

During those twenty-two years the Hungarian literature of Transylvania could come about, literally, only from the fire of the Hungarian soul, from a love towards the Hungarian language that overcame all obstacles, and from the sacrifices and work of the true,

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talented writers. At the time of the collapse the writers had no reserves to rely on. They had but one periodical, the Erdelyi Szemle, founded by S. Laszlo Nagy in 1916. Only the most optimistic could expect support from the large masses of readers. Printing companies operating along altruistic principles were a thing of the future when the first devotees of Hungarian literature in Transylvania started out on the fertile soil of the literary planters of Transylvania.

Nevertheless we may note a favorable conjuncture of several factors in the cradle of Hungarian literature in Transylvania. One of these factors was the barely surviving tradition of Transylvanian autonomy. During the Dual Monarchy most Transylvanian talents left for Budapest, and the uniformity obtained at the state, or some other level, hardly favored special perspectives or particular local traditions.

Still, Transylvania was just being discovered immediately after the war. Both the special economic and artistic questions of the Transylvanian situation found their students. Istvan Bethlen and others examined the economic importance; Karoly Kos pointed out and voiced the artistic and cultural significance of Transylvania. First, Karoly Kos demonstrated the unique aspects and values of Transylvanian culture, which could not be found in the rest of Hungary. It is not by chance, therefore, that Karoly Kos was the greatest representative of the so-called Transylvanism, which stressed the uniqueness of post war Transylvanian literature.

It was only a few steps that led from the recognition of the Transylvanian questions and values to the voicing of the possibilities for an independent Transylvanian literature. The doors were closed toward the Hungarian state when the Romanian troops occupied Transylvania and part of southeastern Hungary, and when most of these gains were confirmed in the Peace Treaty of Trianon. The Hungarian writers under Romanian rule had to respond to the question: is it possible to have a separate Transylvanian literature? They soon answered this question in the affirmative, though little did they know each other, and at first only in the previously mentioned Erdelyi Szemle could they publish their works. They had to get to know each other: they needed funds for publications, they needed printing presses, and publishers, but most of all they needed readers who could support them materially and with love. Thus, work started to complete assignments and within a few years everything developed that was needed for a new Transylvanian literature: periodicals, publishing companies, and a reading public. A decisive point was the meeting of the writers and the public, which could be achieved after years of heroic work. This era is justly called the heroic age of Transylvanian literature.

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The great writers of this era grouped around Erdelyi Szemle. Soon there appeared poets like Sandor Remenyik, Lajos Aprily and Laszlo Tompa, whose poems are still valued as outstanding examples of Transylvanian poetry. Sandor Makkai also became known in this journal along with most of those writers who became known as representatives of Transylvanian literature. The periodical printed poems, short stories and essays. Its monopoly was soon lost, as already in 1919 there were start-up attempts in Tirgu Mures and in Oradea. In Tirgu Mures, Erno Osvat started the periodical Zord Ido, while in Oradea, Geza Tabery took a similar initiative. A firmly grounded literary center developed, however, only in Cluj. This largest city of Transylvania was permeated with Hungarian intellectual traditions. It was in this city in 1921 that Pasztortuz was founded, which is the most recognized periodical of Transylvanian Hungarian literature to this day .

All of these initiatives and attempts, however, did not have an impact on a wide segment of the masses. The organization of the reading public was a problem that had yet to be resolved. This assignment was based on the need to awaken interest in Transylvanian literature and for this task the writers had to unite in order to publish books that attracted the interest of the masses. The means for this difficult undertaking formed the most beautiful chapter of the heroic age of Transylvanian literature. The writers hit the road like ancient balladeers to search out and win over the audience.

They appeared in a town or a village that constituted a regional center by train, on foot, sometimes by cart to proclaim in living words the rights and beauties of the reborn Hungarian literature of Transylvania. Among them we find Sandor Remenyik, Jeno Szentimrei, Maria Berde, Lajos Szini and, most of all, the grey-haired Elek Benedek, who had returned from Budapest and who carried on his pilgrimage through the Hungarian villages of Transylvania at the head of a group of Szekelys with a vigor that belied his age. The negative attitude of all kinds of officials, the suspicious interest on the part of the police, the difficulties in obtaining permission for holding soirees and conferences did not deter the participants from these heroic ventures. They carried on their work of rallying audiences with the enthusiasm and fanaticism of prophets fired by their calling. The results were not long in waiting. By 1924 the stratum of the Hungarian public that appreciated literature was emotionally ready to appreciate and support a literature peculiar to Transylvania. A decisive step was taken that year to organize the writers and to ensure institutionally that their works would be published.

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In 1924 Imre Kadar, Karoly Kos, Erno Ligeti, Jozsef Nyiro, Arpad Paal, and Istvan Zagoni established the Art Guild of Transylvania, the publishing house of the Hungarian writers of Transylvania. Although the Minerva literary and printing corporation was in existence since 1921, the writers needed in addition, an institution devoted exclusively to the artistic publication of literary works and its financial benefits. This new organization provided a definite guarantee that the new Hungarian literature of Transylvania and the reading public would find each other. This fortunate event closed the heroic era of the Hungarian literature of Transylvania in which poetry and the short story played the major role. The great poets Remenyik, Aprily, Tompa, Maria Berde, Domokos Sipos and others were followed by the promising prose writers: Karoly Kos, Domokos Gyallay, Sandor Makkai, Jozsef Nyiro, Jeno Szentimrei, Beno Karacsony, Erno Ligeti, Gyorgy Szanto, Aron Tamasi, Endre Balogh, etc. The authors of the most famous works the best known novels and plays of Transylvanian literature, would come from among their rank.

Indeed, the best known products of the Hungarian literature of Transylvania were novels and plays. Their publication was made possible by the establishment of the Art Guild of Transylvania. The Guild recruited subscribers and undertook literary publicity to guarantee the appreciation of the writers' works even financially. In order to achieve this, however, it was necessary to smooth out the contradictions between the writers and to establish a writers' cooperative. Both these tasks were accomplished, thanks to diplomatic skills of Aladar Kuncz, and a cooperative of Hungarian writers of Transylvania was formed at the palace of Baron Janos Kemeny at Brincovenesti Mur [Marosvecs]. From then on it became a tradition for the members of the Helikon of Transylvania, the name adopted by this writers' cooperatives to meet each year at the palace. Soon everyone who made a valuable contribution to Hungarian literature was invited to join the cooperative. It was these writers, enjoying the hospitality of the Baron, who brought up and discussed the more important issues affecting Hungarian literature in Transylvania and intellectual life in general. Two years later, in 1928, the cooperative acquired an official organ and a publication voicing its literary policies. The writers assembled in Helikon were guided by the principle of art for art's sake. Each kept their own ideology, but it was understood that they would exclude all tendencies from their writing, and express eternal human principles above all ideologies, "to sound out loud the melody of man." In addition to this humanism, the intellectual attitude of most members

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of the Helikon of Transylvania was marked by the so-called Transylvanianism.

According to Karoly Kos, Transylvanianism meant the special way of thinking and perceiving existence that characterized the population of Transylvania. Its basis was Transylvania which, by its isolated unity, created spiritual forces bringing together the peculiarities of the various nationalities of the area into a harmonic whole. During its thousand-year-long history no nationality was able to or even wanted to transform the other nationalities into its own image. Forces from the outside may have attempted to do this, but failed. The particular culture of each of the three ethnic groups include certain traits which signified the common Transylvanian color. The ethnic groups of Transylvania differed both physically and mentally from their brothers beyond the borders of the country. Thus the Hungarians of Transylvania differed from those of Hungary, the Saxons differed from the Germans of Germany, and the Transylvanian Romanians differed from those of Romania. Each ethnic group preserved its own individuality, however, since the Romanian had remained Romanian, the Hungarian and the Szekely have remained Hungarian, and the Saxon had remained German, yet each had something in common, which is particularly obvious in their mental makeup, and this common nature was derived from their common history and from the memories of the struggles fought in common. This common trait was the Transylvanian mentality, in other words Transylvanianism, which none of the brothers living beyond the borders of Transylvania have been able to understand and appreciate.

It was this Transylvanian spirit that found expression in the various genres of Hungarian literature in Transylvania, but mostly in its poetry, its novels, and its essays. Of course, Transylvanianism was the result of a mentality held in common, and almost every writer added concepts to it. It was expressed in the guise of a program in the first issue of the Erdelyi Helikon, above the signature of nine writers. There can be no doubt that the most talented representatives of Hungarian literature in Transylvania, with one or two exceptions, were Transylvanianists. Of course, they were subjected to various attacks on the part of writers representing different ideologies. Neither left-wing nor right-wing writers were Transylvanianist, and attacked the latter regularly. The latest attack came from Ferenc Szemler, in the name of the young writers; Karoly Kos defended the movement, rejecting the assertions of the Szemler in unmistakable terms.

Novels and plays were the best known genres of the Hungarian literature of Transylvania within Hungarian intellectual life in general,

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and even within world literature by means of one or two creations. The Fekete kolostor [Black Monastery] of Aladar Kuncz, and certain works of Jozsef Nyiro were translated into several foreign languages and obtained world-wide success. The historical novels and novels with a Szekely theme that created the greatest stir within Hungarian intellectual life. The best known among the historical novels were Vaskenyeren [On Iron Bread] by Domokos Gyallay, Fekete Volegenyek [Black Grooms] by Iren Gulacsy, Siboi Boleny [The Bison from Sibo] by Jozsef Nyiro, Az orszagepito [The Country Builder] and Varju nemzetseg [Nation of Crows] by Karoly Kos, Ordogszeker [The Devil's Cart], Taltos kiraly [Shaman King], and Sarga Vihar [Yellow Storm] by Sandor Makkai, etc. The two Szekely writers, Nyiro and Tamasi depicted the way of life, peculiarities and struggles of the Szekely nation in their great works. They brought freshness and vigor into literature by their language, their original and new topics, their rendering of Szekely traits. Their writings conquered the public of Trianon Hungary.

The writers of Transylvania made bold attempts at innovation in the dramatic genre as well. The plays of the Hungarian writers from Transylvania can be considered successful efforts, in several respects, towards establishing a new form of drama after the Hungarian and world-wide crisis experienced by the genre. Literary history will surely designate the rightful place earned by such works as the Budai Nagy Antal of Karoly Kos, the Enekes madar [Songbird] and Vitez lelek [Hero's Soul] of Aron Tamasi, and the Jezusfarago ember [The Jesus Carving Man] by Jozsef Nyiro, which scored success in both Transylvania and Hungary.

If we consider the relationship between the Hungarian literature of Transylvania and the Hungarian population, there, we must note first of all, that most writers did fulfill the role traditionally ascribed to Hungarian writers in general: to proclaim the truths most significant to the life of a nation while guiding that nation. Whether we look at the work of poets or prose writers we keep encountering principles and concepts awaiting realization for the sake of improving the fate of the Hungarian population of Transylvania. In many respects, Remenyik, Aprily, Tompa, Makkai, Kos, Tamasi, to mention but the best known, were intellectual leaders, guardians to point out the means of defense and survival in the face of the increasingly dangerous blows suffered under foreign rule. Unfortunately, the most characteristic trait of the Hungarians of Transylvania relegated to the fate of a minority - the sad situation of Transylvania itself - was reflected in their works only in part. True, it was not possible to provide a faithful description of the situation because of outside obstacles, the censorship, and the state of

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emergency. But many of these writers did not seem to experience the bloody realities of Hungarian life and preferred to write poems about individual moods, or work on foreign topics. Nevertheless the minority situation and the most important issues of Hungarian fate in Transylvania are fairly well reflected in the works of some writers. Poems, stories, novels and plays testified to the suffering of Hungarians under Romanian rule. Many of these writers expressed this situation seeking answers to the questions that arose. Most famous from this point of view were Remenyik, Aprily, Makkai, Nyiro, Tamasi, Sandor Kacso, Ferenc Balazs and, in the last years of his life, Jeno Dsida.

The poetry of Remenyik is a wonderful mirror which reflects clearly, besides the individual fate of the poet, the life of the Hungarians as a minority population. The so-called "Poems from the Frontier Fortress" describe the dark episodes of the period of Romanian occupation. In his later poems we find questions and answers regarding the greatest issues confronting the Hungarians in Transylvania. He was able to express the situation of the Hungarians with great power in some of his poems. Censorship and state of siege had paralyzed all manifestations of community life: we can struggle against it only in spirit, making fist, in silence, "whenever possible." To defend Hungarian life which took refuge in the church and the denominational school, it was necessary to remind all Hungarians of the significance of the two bastions. And the poem, soon recited all over Transylvania, came into being: "Do not give up the church, the church, the schools!" Hungarian life was thus reflected in the poems of Aprily, in the essays and novels of Makkai, in the works of Nyiro, Tamasi, Kacso, and Ferenc Balazs. In his book, A magunk revizioja [A Revision of Ourselves], Makkai points to the factors of the inner spiritual renaissance of the Hungarians as prerequisites for survival in a state of minority. The colorful forms and events of Szekely life find expression in the novels of Jozsef Nyiro, whereas Aron Tamasi uses his brilliant pen to express the sense of humor and the wily nature of the people, a closed book to strangers. In his work Szulofoldem [The Land of My Birth] he provides a picture of the mood of the years 1938- 1939 and of the Szekely region subjected to Romanianizing, in a style and form of incomparable beauty. The issues confronting the Hungarians of Transylvania are so much part of the works of Sandor Kacso and Ferenc Balazs that the value of their work is determined mainly by this relevant information and the national policies they reflect. The spiritual vicissitudes of the period of oppression from 1933 through 1937 are best immortalized in Jeno Dsida's famous Psalmus Hungaricus, distributed in manuscript form. In the refrain of the six

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great sections of the poem, the poet curses himself, hence all Hungarian writers, in harsh language should they ever forget their people:

Let the water I swallow turn to bile/ If I forget you! / Let them drive/ A red-hot nail of iron through my tongue/ If I do not mention you!/ Let the light of my two eyes be extinguished/ If they do not look upon you,/ My people, you saint, your cursed, yet first-comet

The Hungarian literature of Transylvania thus reflected the situation and attitudes of the Hungarians under Romanian rule. In addition to expressing community life, the writers raised issues of national policy and fought for the survival of the Hungarian population. This activity of theirs usually took place on the pages of newspapers and periodicals. They were harassed by police and the courts mainly because of their writings in the papers. Since the writers refrained from expressing irredentist sentiments in their works, or even of describing Romanian oppression in too realistic terms, the Romanian government harassed the Hungarian writers of Transylvania relatively little. Lorand Daday was sentenced to jail for six months for his book published in Hungary. The writings of Nyiro and of others were condemned by court orders in the first and second instances on various spurious charges. Domokos Gyallay was harassed and fined for publishing readers for small children. In the years 1936 to 1939 many a poem, short story and other works fell victim to censors. Laszlo Tompa tried to publish a volume of poetry in the last years of the regime. The censor banned 96 of the hundred poems at first reading. Only after an extended process could some of the poems finally appear. All in all, Romanian oppression, which functioned so effectively against various cultural manifestations, was less efficient when it came to literature. Nor is this surprising. The Romanian censors, clever as they may have been, had difficulty in tracing the hidden thoughts of the Hungarian writers in the realm of ideas. This literature was able to influence the life of the Hungarian community in Transylvania enormously. It was precisely the Hungarian literature of Transylvania that was largely responsible for keeping up and bolstering the sentiments, self-respect and identity of the Hungarians in Transylvania. The fact that about 25% of the 6,000 books published during the 22 years of the regime were works of literature, is some indication of literary production. Hungarians of Transylvania viewed the new Transylvanian literature with proud satisfaction and received the news of the successes obtained by Hungarian writers with much pleasure In

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addition to the recognition obtained in Budapest, favorable reception in England or France was particularly appreciated. When Aladar Kuncz's Black Monastery was translated into English and French, and the news of the great success obtained by these versions reached Romania, the Hungarian public of Transylvania pondered with satisfaction the ancient truth of sub pondere crescit palma. This pride was some compensation at a time when the Romanian government strove to weaken Hungarian cultural life and hamper the progress of Hungarian science in Transylvania.

THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940