THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940

The true worth of any educational institution is determined primarily by the competence and preparation of its faculty. The value of their work derives, on the other hand, from the freedom granted them in instruction. The evolution of the status of the Romanian high school teachers in Hungary was a function of Hungarian educational policies and of the Romanian communities in charge of the schools.

Until 1883 the training of high school teachers was entirely in the hands of those sponsoring the schools. The Uniate teachers were

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certified by a particular committee of the archdiocese of Balazsfalva set up for this purpose, whereas the Orthodox instructors were certified by the pertinent committee of the Orthodox archdiocese of Nagyszeben. The individuals were then hired by the appropriate sections of the school-sponsoring institutions - the wards representing the schools in the case of Brasso and Brad, and the consistories in the case of the Uniate schools. No ministerial authorization of any kind was required for the selection, hiring, and granting of tenure. The Foundation school of Naszod, where the instructors were appointed by the Hungarian Minister of Religious Affairs and Education, on the recommendation of the Borderland Foundation, constituted an exception in this respect.

The situation of the instructors was modified by Act XXX of 1883. This Act prescribed that all instructors at secondary schools were to pass an examination by the state examining board once they completed their university studies. In other words, while until then the preparation of the teachers took place outside the universities, the new law specified that it could be obtained only through the universities. From 1883 Romanian teacher candidates had to obtain their diplomas from Hungarian universities. The Romanian churches, the Orthodox Church first of all, protested against this provision of the Act, by way of Archbishop Roman Miron, because "it takes the preparation of the teachers out of the hands of the churches.'' ¹²⁰ But Article 70 of the Act enabled the candidates to pass their examination in their mother tongue for a while. The Minister of Religious Affairs and Education was authorized by this paragraph of the law to allow the examination boards, for a period of ten years after the law goes into effect and at the recommendation of the leadership of the denomination concerned, to offer the examination in some subjects entirely or partly in a language other than Hungarian. All candidates, however, had to pass an examination in Hungarian language and literature, as prescribed by law in the sixteenth year of Hungarian rule.

The Act concerning the secondary schools also provided state support for teachers and schools on certain conditions. These conditions entailed increased state control and direction in proportion with the amount of state support. Since the Romanian secondary schools, on the one hand, did not necessarily have to rely on state subsidy and, on the other hand, did not want to give the state an opportunity to intervene to any considerable extent in their administration, they did not take advantage of the offer of state subsidy until 1906. At that time every Romanian secondary school was granted salary adjustments for its faculty, by the state, under interesting circumstances. Regarding the details of the

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state subsidy the bulletin of the Andrei Saguna high school in Brasso reads as follows:

Romanian teachers were not happy to see their Hungarian colleagues teaching in state schools with the same educational background, and at the same level, better paid, even though their teaching load was less. As a result the Romanian teacher was obviously in a position of inferiority vis-à-vis his Hungarian colleague. But Minister of Religious Affairs and Education Count Apponyi partly rectified the situation in 1906 by eradicating the causes for resentment. In a ministerial directive he declared that all church authorities sponsoring secondary schools may apply for subsidy for their teachers without any condition and without jeopardizing the autonomy of the schools thereby. Then the teachers would be paid like the teachers at state schools at the same level; divided into pay categories and steps.

When the matter came under study the school committees and boards, as well as the consistory of the archdiocese decided, under directive 10.431 of October 30, 1906, to accept the subvention provided it could be surrendered at any time; hence the teachers at the schools at Brasso and Brad began to receive their pay supplement as of July 1, 1906. The matter, however, was not settled that easily with the administration of the school at Brasso. Here there was great opposition on the part of some who feared that the government would exert a negative influence on the schools once the agreement was concluded.

From the text of the directive of the Minster of Education it could not be concluded that he intended to curtail the autonomy of the schools, or to interfere in school matters. It is true, however, that the subsidy hung over the professors like the sword of Damocles, and they had to be aware that the sword could be used against them as well, that they would at least have to be more circumspect in the future. But the spirit and atmosphere of our schools, or the political tendency of the teachers did not alter in the least as a consequence of the implementation of the rules pertaining to state subsidy and this constitutes powerful evidence of the purity of feelings and sense of honor of the teachers concerned. ¹²¹

The teachers at other Romanian secondary schools received their subsidy under similar circumstances; for instance, the committee at the

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high school of Brad decided regarding state subsidy in a similar manner. Their report reads:

The school board, consisting of the prominent residents of Zarand, suggested to the officials of the secondary school that they accept the pay supplement, since the directive of the Minister is in harmony with the laws already on the books, and does not curtail church autonomy any further. The consistory of the archdiocese opted for acceptance on October 30, but reserved the right to give it up immediately, should the autonomy of instruction be affected in any way. ¹²²

The teachers at other Romanian secondary schools received their pay supplement in a similar manner, and this supplement was disbursed by the state regularly until 1918. The faculty at the five Romanian secondary schools received a total of 426,860 crowns of pay supplement, and all this, as we have seen, without affecting their autonomy in any way. ¹²³

Count Albert Apponyi, Minister of Religious Affairs and Education, brought about a positive and comforting change in the financial situation of the faculty of Romanian secondary schools in Hungary. Once his directives were implemented, the Romanian teachers were on a par with their Hungarian colleagues as far as pay was concerned. In other respects too they enjoyed equal status. The Romanian teachers were accepted as members of the pension fund; consequently, after thirty years of service, they received a pension from the Hungarian treasury which afforded them a decent living. For instance, the president of Astra, Andrei Barseanu, a former teacher at the secondary school of Brasso, received a pension from the Hungarian state. Along with their Hungarian colleagues the Romanian teachers were issued an identification card which enabled them to purchase tickets on state railroads at half fare. The correspondence and publications of Romanian secondary schools were exempted from tax, stamp, or franking expenses, much as those of the Hungarian denomination schools. Romanian teachers were not discriminated against when it came to promotions in the army, particularly appointment to officer rank, on account of their nationality; we have found no complaints to this effect in the contemporary press.

On the basis of the evidence presented above we may conclude that Hungarian educational policy was fair and humane towards Romanian teachers in Hungary. The government provided them with a decent livelihood and pension, and did not discriminate between Hungarian

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and Romanian instructors. The teachers at Romanian secondary schools owed their improved situation precisely to Apponyi, the very person denounced in the Romanian press of Hungary as well as of Romania as the executioner of the Romanian school system. Their consolidated financial situation allowed the Romanian teachers to continue to indulge in school activities promoting the idea of a Greater Romania freely throughout the period of Hungarian rule.

The Romanian secondary schools served the cause of nationalism from the very start of the Romanian national idea, and their history is practically identical with the history of Romanian national aspirations. The teachers at the Romanian Uniate secondary school of Balazsfalva especially Simion Barnutiu and George Baritiu exerted a decisive influence through their literary, journalistic, and political activities, in the strictest sense of the term, on the national and political evolution of the Romanians of Hungary. It is no exaggeration to say that the history of the Romanian secondary schools is equivalent to the history of Romanian nationalism.

Naturally, the secondary school at Balazsfalva, which was the oldest and boasted of the most distinguished faculty, was the only one to embody Romanian national and cultural movements at the beginning. It had a decisive influence, especially in the period 1834 to 1850, when it developed the traditions which were eventually adopted and faithfully copied by other Romanian secondary schools.

What did these traditions peculiar to Balazsfalva consist of? According to the Romanian author Slavici the focus at the school had always been on demonstrating the Romanians' right to Transylvania, and to prepare intellectually for the exercise of this right. ¹²⁴ By stressing the Latin origins of the Romanian people and the notion of historical continuity, according to which Romanians, as the descendants of the Dacians and of the Romans, inhabited Transylvania, without interruption, they set out to demonstrate that only the Romanians were entitled to rule over the area. This was the reason why Barnutiu insisted on natural rights in his lectures at Balazsfalva, and his colleague Timotei Cipariu tried to excise from the Romanian language all words which did not have a strictly Latin etymology. They meant to present the past and the future of this concept appropriately to their students and, through the press, to Romanian readers in general.

Next to this concept of the teachers at Balazsfalva we find another concept deriving naturally enough, at least in part, from the former; this

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notion, which arose in the 1830s, was unification with the Romanians on the other side of the Carpathians. The Romanian instructors at Balazsfalva were in close contact with the leaders of Romanian nationalist movements in Bucharest from the beginning. Baritiu and Cipariu, two young teachers from Balazsfalva, traveled to Bucharest in 1836. As one of their future colleagues was to write later, they went there "because they were both enthusiastic young instructors at the time and they wanted to experience Romania as persons deeply involved in the increasingly powerful manifestations of Romanian national- ism.'' ¹²⁵ This trip was decisive from the point of view of the evolution of the Romanian school at Balazsfalva and, in the long run, of the evolution of Romanian nationalism in Hungary. The two young teachers made the acquaintance of Romanian nationalist leaders in Bucharest who already harbored the notion of a Romania uniting all Romanians under one rule. As soon as this notion became a concrete political project sponsored by the Romanian aristocrat Ion Campineanu in 1838, the political irredentism of detaching Transylvania from Hungary was hatched. ¹²⁶

By then Baritiu was at Brasso as teacher and editor of the first Romanian political weekly. He remained in close touch with Balazsfalva and his former colleagues, as well as with Romanian politicians in Bucharest and Moldavia. Undoubtedly he was the one to communicate, in 1838, the concept of a Greater Romania to the faculty of the school at Balazsfalva. Thus, in the 1840's the national spirit and tradition of the Romanian secondary school at Balazsfalva consisted of the notion of the national unity of all Romanians in addition to the idea of the Latin origins of the Romanian people and their right to Transylvania. From then on, Romanian literature, history, geography, and all subjects in any way related to the objectives of Romanian nationalism were taught at the secondary school of Balazsfalva.

The role played by Balazsfalva, the students at the school, and Barnutiu, one of its former instructors, in the events of 1848-49, is well known. It was Barnutiu and his disciples who turned the Romanians of Transylvania against the Hungarians. They were the ones to line up the Romanians on the side of the Habsburgs and against Kossuth, and it was under their influence that part of the Romanian intelligentsia of Transylvania became anti-Hungarian. Barnutiu and his disciples acted logically in turning against the Hungarians, since the latter constituted the main obstacle to the unification of Transylvania with the two Romanian principalities. Therefore they protested against the reattachment of Transylvania to Hungary, because this union made the realization of the unification plan more problematic, to say the least.

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The Romanian national idea at the secondary school at Balazsfalva had manifested itself by 1848 in the notions that the Romanians are the descendants of the Romans, that they inhabited Transylvania before the arrival of the Hungarians, that they had a better right to Transylvania than the Hungarians, that in order to unite Transylvania with the Romanian principalities it would be necessary to fight against the Hungarians who were intent on preventing this unification - all these notions derived logically from the preceding one.

When the secondary schools at Brasso, Naszod, and later at Brad, opened their gates, during the last years of Austrian autocratic rule, they took over the traditions of Balazsfalva ready-made, and elaborated on them in their own manner. At the time of the Compromise every Romanian secondary school embodied the concept of a united Romania. The majority of the faculty felt they belonged to Romania, considered the reattachment of Transylvania to Hungary illegal, and regarded the Hungarians as their natural enemies.

The greatest Romanian poet, Mihai Eminescu, who studied briefly at Balazsfalva and Belenyes, ¹²⁷ encountered these ideas already there. It was under the impact of these Romanian ideas from Transylvania that he changed his name from Eminovici to Eminescu. From the writings of Slavici we know how passionate was the sentiment of nationalism he harbored.

The passionate Romanian national ideas which dominated the Romanian secondary schools did not alter, of course, when Hungarian rule was introduced. Judging from the annual reports of the secondary school at Balazsfalva, the Hungarian government did not interfere in the educational process taking place at the school for ten years, until 1876. ¹²⁸ In the period from 1867 to 1876 teaching continued within the framework elaborated before the reattachment. The students learnt the subjects that were most important from the point of view of the Romanian national idea, such as history and geography, from the "lecture notes of the teachers." In accordance with the principle of autonomy of the secondary schools the syllabus for the courses was drafted by the administration of the school. While in the Hungarian schools geography and history meant the geography and history of Hungary, the professors at the Romanian secondary school of Balazsfalva taught mainly the geography and history of Transylvania and of the Romanian principalities i.e. of Romania, once the two principalities were united. From 1867 to 1876 the syllabus for geography was Transylvania and the neighboring lands, and history likewise was The History of Transylvania and of the Neighboring lands. ¹²⁹ These subjects were taught in the second, third, and eighth years.

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Judging from the annual reports from the secondary school at Balazsfalva it is clear, that for almost ten years after the beginning of Hungarian rule the syllabi of history and geography courses covered mainly Transylvania and, among the neighboring countries, mainly Romania. That is, Romania was the ideal for both instructors and students; the Romanian people were regarded as one nation, some members of which lived on this side of the Carpathians in Transylvania, and some on the other side, in Romania. Hungary was mentioned in the syllabi of the history and geography courses only as a "neighboring land" - even though the Romanians were its citizens from 1867 on. In other words, the Transylvanian autonomy demanded in the political arena was applied de facto by the instructors in the curriculum, inasmuch as Transylvania was studied as a separate country and Hungary was considered a neighboring land.

For almost ten years, the Hungarian state and its educational policy did not intervene in any way in the affairs of the Romanian secondary schools, with the exception of the one at Belenyes. Consequently the activities of Romanian teachers were anti-Hungarian and favored a Greater Romania. The students raised in this spirit expressed their true feelings on several occasions. On May 15 ceremonies and anti-Hungarian demonstrations were held at the site of the former Romanian People's Assembly. At the May Day festivities in 1868 a student in the senior year at the secondary school of Belenyes tore up the Hungarian flag. At the same time the Romanian students at Brasso deployed under the Romanian flag for the May Day parade. Besides these acts of lesser significance the irredentist and anti-Hungarian character of the Romanian secondary schools was revealed in its true colors by the demonstrations of 1878. That year the Romanian army captured the fort of Plevna from the Turks, and following the Congress of Berlin, Romania became a completely independent state.

The satisfaction of the Romanians was extreme. The teenagers particularly in the counties of southern Transylvania such as Brasso, Szeben, and Balazsfalva, actually expected the Romanian army to march into Transylvania at any moment. They believed that after the capture of Plevna the Romanian troops would turn about and capture Transylvania as well. All of Balazsfalva became a single army of demonstrators, with students and teachers in the lead. At Naszod the faculty of the Romanian secondary school organized even more impressive demonstrations. The faculty and students, along with the municipal employees, all of whom were Romanian, marched up and down the streets singing Romanian national songs. Then the teachers addressed speeches exhorting the Romanian masses. Two of the teachers from

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Naszod, Dr. P. A. Alessi and Massimu Popu, even wrote a book about the Russo-Turco-Romanian war. The book was published in Graz, Austria, as a matter of precaution, undoubtedly because it contained very sharp attacks against the Hungarians. Indeed, Hungarian public opinion was pro-Turkish. "The Hungarians exhibit unconcealed feelings of sympathy towards the Turks, to whom they are related by their Asian origins, their barbarism, and the tyranny they manifest towards the subjugated nations," wrote the two Romanian intellectuals living on Hungarian territory. ¹³⁰

Thus the idea of a Greater Romania dominated the atmosphere of the Romanian secondary schools. Since at that time the Hungarian government did not even require the teaching of Hungarian as a second language (this would take place only in 1883, in the 16th year of Hungarian rule), it was not taken seriously in any of the Romanian secondary schools. It was taught, but mostly for the sake of appearances, if not in outright mockery. "Hungarian represented no danger to us, since we never really studied it," wrote Gheorghe Bogdan-Duica, professor at the University of Kolozsvar, after World War I. ,'For weeks on end we tortured the item entitled 'The Poor Miserable Hare' as the author of the book and our swarthy Professor Fenesanu knew well; although his face was black, he was a good man.'' ¹³¹ Thus the Hungarian language caused no serious worry to the faculty or students of the Romanian secondary school at Brasso. At Balazsfalva the situation was pretty much the same. At Belenyes the superintendent of the school district of Nagyvarad noted this neglect of the Hungarian language during his visit in the academic year 1874/75. Since the Uniate bishop of Nagyvarad, the patron of the institution, as well as the school itself received assistance from the educational fund, the superintendent recommended to the ministry that, for the sake of teaching Hungarian effectively, he should decree that some subjects be taught in Hungarian. The Minister of Religious Affairs and Education communicated the opinion of the superintendent to the Bishop who, in his circular 1.277 of November 14, 1875, took steps regarding the teaching of history and geography in Hungarian, retaining free use of the Romanian language. Thus, even before the Secondary School Act of 1883 stronger state control prevailed and more room was made for the teaching of Hungarian at the school of Belenyes than in the other Romanian secondary schools.

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Under the impact of the provisions of Act XXX of 1883 the Romanian secondary schools of Hungary began to function more uniformly. This Act, dealing with "the secondary schools and the preparation of their faculty" regulated in detail, the operation of secondary schools where the language of instruction was not Hungarian. Articles 7 and 8 of the Act were the most relevant. According to Article 7:

The denominations have the right to decide the language of instruction in the secondary schools they sponsor. If this language is not Hungarian, they are required, in addition to teaching the language of instruction and its literature, to provide for the teaching of Hungarian language and literature as well in sufficient contact hours to enable the students to master these subjects. They will submit to the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education the syllabus and schedules pertaining to the teaching of the Hungarian language and literary history, in order to facilitate control. In secondary schools where Hungarian is not the language of instruction, Hungarian language and literary history will be taught in Hungarian in the junior and senior years, and the graduation examination in these subjects will also be administered in Hungarian. As regards this final examination, the provision of the law will enter into effect with the examinations of 1885.

The provisions of Article 8 regulated the extent to which the schools retained autonomy:

At the educational institutions sponsored by the churches the final objective in each course and the extent of knowledge to be imparted, as well as the methods of instruction, the curriculum, and the textbooks will be determined by the authorities of the denomination who, in each case, will submit these to the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education. The number of contact hours they determine, however, may be no less than the number applied at the institutions directly under the jurisdiction and direction of the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education; this constitutes merely a minimum standard for the denominational schools.

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Other provisions of the Act dealt with disciplinary matters applying to students and teachers, the conditions for obtaining state subsidies, as well as the modalities of state supervision. In the denominational schools the disciplinary measures regarding students and teachers, as well as the procedures and regulations, were to be determined by the church officials. They were required, however, to submit these and any modifications thereto to the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education for acknowledgment. Supervision was carried out throughout the school districts by the superintendents or by special commissioners sent out from the Ministry. The Minister would examine the textbooks selected and, could confiscate them if warranted. He would ensure that the school funds are appropriately spent. Article 72 of the Act prohibited the secondary schools from accepting donations from foreign states, their rulers or governments.

Of course, the officials of the Romanian churches in Hungary, the Romanian press, and other Romanian entities protested vigorously against the Act. They protested even before the Act was passed. "Is Herod enraged once again? Does he demand Ion's head?" the great Romanian church and school periodical quoted Chrysostom as masthead to the article denouncing the new law. Presumably Herod was the Hungarian state which strove to integrate by this Act the Romanian secondary schools, the head of Romanian nationalism, i.e. the head of John the Baptist, into the educational system of the country. Roman Miron, the Orthodox archbishop of Nagyszeben, protested against the law in the name of the church because, as he said, "the church has always been the defender and shield of Romanian language and nationality." He objected to taking the preparation of the faculty out of the hands of the church, moreover to the right now granted to the state to intervene in the denominational secondary schools. ¹³²

Protests against the Act appeared not only in the press, but at mass rallies as well. Members of the Romanian intelligentsia organized protest rallies at Arad, Balazsfalva, and Brasso, making sharp sallies against this more recent measure of "Hungarianization." Five Romanian members of parliament, however, sent an open letter to the Romanian voters to reassure them and appeal to them not to hold meetings of protest against the law, because there was no cause for alarm. The desires of the nationalities are taken into consideration in the house of parliament, "and as for our nationality, this law represents no danger to it," they asserted. ¹³³

The implementation of the law bore out these statements of the Romanian members of parliament. The Romanian protests had been directed not so much against the teaching of Hungarian language and

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literature, but rather against state control and against the preparation of the faculty at Hungarian universities. As we have seen, Hungarian language was already part of the curriculum, even if not taken in earnest. The new thing about the law, that Hungarian language and literature were to be taught in Hungarian in the junior and senior years of high school, and that the final examination would be administered in Hungarian as well, amounted to no extraordinary burden, particularly if the results were assessed fairly. The Romanians knew from experience that everything depended on the supervision. They could not know aforehand whether this supervision would be stricter than in the past. Their conscience bothered them some because they knew right well that a thorough, strict, or perhaps antagonistic state control would quickly ruin the Romanian secondary schools; a thorough investigation would have easily revealed the assistance the schools were receiving from Romania, the secret irredentist contacts, as well as the anti-Hungarian ideas entertained by Romanian students and faculties. It was understandable, therefore, that the section of the Act regarding state supervision made them feel nervous.

As soon as the first set of examinations administered by state entities was over the spirits were gradually calmed. The visits by officials had an unexpectedly positive impact. This impact was particularly apparent in the evolution of the secondary school at Brad, which was surviving under impoverished circumstances. The intervention of Hungarian controllers resulted in improvements. ,'Visits were carried out with good will and conscientiously,,' we may read in this regard, and they "exerted a beneficial influence on the development of the secondary school at Brad." According to the report by the delegate from the Hungarian ministry, superintendent Veres from Nagyszeben who visited the school for the first time in the academic year 1886/87:

neither the number, nor the preparation of the faculty, nor their salary, met the stipulations of the law. The next inspector succeeded, thanks to his well intentioned advice and his personal intervention, in achieving that the board of the secondary school carry out the improvements required by the spirit of the times.¹³⁴

Of course, where the inspection revealed anti-state activities there were consequences, as in the case of the Uniate secondary school of Belenyes. On June 1 and 2, 1888, Lorinc Schlauch, the Roman Catholic bishop of Nagyvarad, visited Belenyes to administer the sacrament of confirmation. All public buildings, including the Uniate Romanian

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secondary school, were decorated with Hungarian flags in honor of the bishop. The Rag hoisted on the school building, the symbol of the Hungarian state, was removed by a sixth year student, Vasile Borgovan, with the help of a janitor, and was discarded in a nearby canal. Therefore the Minster of Religious Affairs and Education ordered an investigation of the faculty of the secondary school. The investigation was carried out by Andor Beothy, the county high sheriff of Bihar at the time. This observations led the officials of the Uniate diocese of Nagyvarad to transfer Teodor Rosiu, Vasile Lesian, and Dr. Ion Ardelean to offices in other dioceses. Vasile Borgovan was barred by the Minister from all secondary schools in the country.

By way of punishment for this humiliation of the national symbol of the Hungarian state and for the anti-Hungarian tendency dominating the school at Belenyes, the Hungarian Minister of Religious Affairs and Education, by his directive 24.335 of July 22, 1889, ordered that, beginning with the academic year 1889/90, all subjects except religion, Romanian language and literary history, be taught in Hungarian in the four upper forms. In spite of Hungarian hatred, the Romanian chronicler wrote:

it was still possible to keep Romanian as the language of instruction in the four lower forms. But in the upper forms, except for religion and Romanian language, all subjects had to be taught in Hungarian, the use of Romanian being allowed for didactic purposes. Nevertheless, the oppressors failed to achieve their objective, because the high school of Belenyes remained the nucleus of Romanian culture and enlightenment.¹³⁵

As already mentioned, in 1898 the Romanian secondary school of Brasso was also subjected to what promised to be a thorough investigation on account of the annual assistance it received from the Romanian government. The investigation actually benefited the secondary school because, as a result, the assistance from Bucharest which had been secret, of necessity could be received, from 1900 on, above board, thanks to the intercession of the Hungarian government.

After 1900 there was no further change in the evolution of the Romanian secondary schools. Their spirit, their direction, their autonomy continued as before. Their situation during the decade and a half preceding World War I was described in the following terms, in the yearbook of the secondary school of Brasso: ,'Except for the upper forms at the secondary school at Belenyes, Romanian remained the language of instruction in all Romanian secondary schools. At Naszod

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the materials for the remedial course were in Hungarian.'' ¹³⁶ The state expected that Hungarian be taught at all secondary schools, that Hungarian literary history be taught in Hungarian in the junior and senior years, moreover that the history of Hungary be taught in the fourth and eight years, albeit in the mother tongue of the students." Hence the students at Romanian secondary schools, with the exception of the school at Belenyes, studied but one subject in a foreign language every year (i.e. Hungarian language and literature), while all other subjects were taught in their mother tongue. ¹³⁷

The autonomy of the Romanian schools was manifest in the administration of the schools, in their decisions regarding the language of instruction and the curriculum, in their selection of the faculty and of the textbooks. Even the graduation examinations were conduced entirely by the church officials.

For the graduation examination the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education reveals our previous source sent out inspectors chosen from those officials he trusted completely and who could understand Romanian. They had no more than a supervisory role and could object only when they found some thing incorrect or illegal. They could not sign any document pertaining to any investigation. The representative of the consistory of the archdiocese chaired this committee. ¹³⁸

In the last decade of Hungarian rule the high school of Brasso awarded altogether 417 diplomas, an average of 41 a year. The Hungarian school authorities made sure the laws were observed, but other than that the examinations were conducted entirely by the faculty of the school and, with the exception of Hungarian literature, the students took all of them in their mother tongue.

The superintendents of the school districts, in any case, did not have the right to intervene directly in management of the Romanian schools and according to the law, their observations had to be reported to the Minister. The latter communicated the possible infractions to the school-sponsoring agency which intervened through it own officials; even the laws were communicated by the Minister to the head officials of the church in charge of applying these laws. All instructions were sent to the schools through the intermediary of church officials rather than directly. ¹³⁹

With regard to other aspects of autonomy, the Romanian yearbook from Brasso notes:

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On the basis of Act XXX of 1883 our Romanian Orthodox Church is given the autonomous right to select the faculty certified in accordance with the laws of the country; it is also given the right to select the language of instruction, the objective of instruction in various disciplines, the teaching methods, the curriculum and the textbooks. It is only required to bring its decisions to the attention of the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education in each instance. ¹⁴⁰

The autonomous Romanian schools of Brasso differed from the state schools only inasmuch as "the language of instruction was Romanian, which was also the language in which Romanian language and literature were taught; otherwise they enjoyed the same rights as the state schools. ¹⁴¹ Thus the Romanian schools, much as the state schools, had the right to administer their own examinations and to issue state diplomas without any further restrictions. In general, the year-end reports of the Romanian secondary schools of Brasso and Balazsfalva were written exclusively in Romanian, as in the case of the report for 1913-14. When the year-end report was bilingual, as in the case of the ones from Belenyes and Naszod in 1913-14, the Romanian version always preceded the Hungarian one, to indicate the greater importance attached to the mother tongue as the language of instruction.

The question remains: did the spirit of the Romanian secondary schools undergo change as a result of the implementation of Act XXX of 1883? Did the irredentism and anti-Hungarian sentiment which prevailed in these schools decrease at all? According to overwhelming evidence the atmosphere of the Romanian schools did not change; it remained anti-Hungarian and irredentist throughout Hungarian rule, before and after the Act was passed. It may be noted without hesitation that the Romanians used the autonomy granted their schools, in theory and in practice, against the Hungarians and the Hungarian state. It was primarily the courses in Romanian language, literature, and history that served as vehicles for feeding anti-Hungarian irredentist sentiment. Since it was the autonomous right of the school-sponsoring institution to determine the curriculum, the textbooks, and the number of periods devoted to each subject, the school officials used these rights to ensure that the literature and history of the Romanians were taught. In addition to these subjects religion, geography, singing and, given the

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irredentist mentality of the teachers, almost any subject was appropriate for spreading irredentist ideas. The Ministry had to be notified regarding the introduction of a new textbook only a posteriori. Naturally, if some textbook was anti-Hungarian, the Minister banned the book; but often years elapsed between the time the textbook was introduced and the time the Minister got around to ban it. The large number of banned titles indicates that the Romanians churches used anti-Hungarian books extensively in their schools. From 1868 to 1896 the Hungarian Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education banned altogether 160 textbooks and maps from school use on Hungarian territory. Of these 13 were published in Germany, 10 in Austria. Fifteen were in Slovak, 15 in Czech, 12 in Serbian, 10 in Ruthenian whereas 80 were in Romanian: ¹⁴² in other words, the Romanian schools used as many irredentist texts and maps as the schools of all the other nationalities combined. The majority of the banned Romanian books were printed in Romania, particularly in Bucharest, Craiova, and other cities.

Irredentism was most evident in the schools of Brasso high school, commercial school, and junior high). Almost all members of their faculties participated in the more significant anti-Hungarian demonstration. The center of irredentists movements in Brasso was the Romanian Casino. At the time of the ,'Memorandum trial" in 1894 inflammatory anti-Hungarian leaflets were distributed in the counties of Transylvania by the thousands. These leaflets were printed in Bucharest and were transported across the border at Predeal in a package addressed to Brasso. There the package was delivered to Virgil Onitiu, the principal of the two secondary schools, who then took it to the Casino and distributed it contents. In other words, Onitiu organized the dissemination of the subversive anti-Hungarian leaflets printed in Bucharest. ¹⁴³

Nor was the activity of the principal an isolated phenomenon. Faculties at other Romanian high schools acted similarly each time the opportunities arose. Irredentist acts and contacts with Romanian authorities derived logically from the notion that Romania was the cultural center of a united Romanian nation. In 1885, the Tribuncz wrote:

and our most important endeavor is not to distance ourselves, in

regard to cultural forms, from our more cultivated brothers, and to spread their spirit over here ... and let no one believe that we reject the political consequences to which this truth may lead us. ¹⁴⁴

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The center of the cultural life of all people (i.e. the Romanians) is naturally to be found in Romania. The same paper a few month later noted:

We have never made a secret of our love for our brothers across the Carpathians, nor the satisfaction with which we noted the growing power of the Romanian state, the state which, in final analysis, constitutes the cultural center of attraction for the entire Romanian nation. ¹⁴⁵

This being the situation, the faculties of Romanian high schools in Hungary naturally did everything in their power to disseminate Romanian culture among their students, and this Romanian culture, as we have seen, was basically irredentist, hence anti-Hungarian. According to the Romanian perspective the Romanians, as representatives of the proud Latin race, stood far above the Hungarians. One of the great merits of the Romanian nation was its fight against the barbarians, the Hungarians among them. The most glorious period of Romanian history was the reign of Voivod Mihai Viteazul when he conquered Transylvania and united all three principalities under his rule. The Romanians of Hungary adopted this perception of Romanian history. For years the Romanian press advertised a painting depicting Voivod Mihai's triumphal march into Gyulafehervar in 1599, with the following caption: "There is no day more glorious in the whole history of the Romanian nation than the day when Mihai Viteazul, having taken Transylvania, marched into Alba Iulia as conqueror and lord of the land.'' ¹⁴⁶

Romanians assessed the history of the nations of Transylvania strictly from a Romanian nationalist point of view. According to this perspective the Romanian nation of Transylvania was represented as one which, in spite of its noble origins, was groaning under the yoke of the barbarian Hungarians, against whose tyranny it was constantly protesting by means of national uprisings. The completely false view according to which all major Hungarian leaders from King Matthias to Ferenc Deak, along with Gyorgy Dozsa and Gabor Bethlen were of Romanian descent, was just the logical consequence of this perspective of history, which was considered objective history, and it was taught to the Romanian students even in courses on world or Hungarian history. Of course, this distorted perception did not prevail in Hungarian secondary schools, hence the Romanian press constantly accused the Hungarians of falsifying history. They consistently encouraged Romanian parents to send their children to school at Naszod, Balazs

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falva, and Brasso. If not all eight forms, at least children were told to attend the last two forms in some Romanian secondary school where they would "get to know and love Romanian literature, as well as the true history of their own nation.'' ¹⁴⁷

Indeed, the Romanian secondary schools provided an education in the spirit of a Greater Romania, since their students learnt "the true history of our nation" which, as we have seen, was irredentist and anti-Hungarian. There were ample opportunities within the autonomy granted Romanian schools for this peculiar Greater Romanian "education of the nation" to manifest itself. The right to decide the curriculum was one of these autonomous rights. The school-sponsoring Romanian churches put the curriculum together in such a manner that the number of periods devoted to the various subjects suited the needs of schools with Romanian as the language of instruction. The teachers at these schools taught most subjects in either greater or lesser number of periods than their counterparts in the Hungarian schools. According to the table of comparison provided by Ghibu, only religion, physics, and handwriting were taught in the same number of periods in the Romanian and Hungarian schools at Balazsfalva. In the state school Hungarian language was taught in 30 periods, Latin in 49, Greek in 19, Geography in 10, Natural Science in 8, whereas in the Romanian school only 27 were devoted to Hungarian, 40 to Latin, 13 to Greek, 6 to Geography, and 11 to the Natural Sciences. ¹⁴⁸ It is characteristic of the freedom of choice in the Romanian schools that the faculty even had the right to increase the number of periods according to local requirements. For instance, in 1908, the teacher of Greek at the Naszod Romanian secondary school raised the number of periods devoted to Greek in one of the forms from 2 to 4; however, the Romanian students objected and went on strike for two days to mark their disagreement. ¹⁴⁹

The Hungarian state subsidies accepted in 1906 did not alter the mood of the Romanian secondary schools one iota. "The spirit and atmosphere of our schools, the tendencies of our faculties did not change a bit as a result of the restrictions deriving from the subsidy," noted the editor of the school yearbook at Brasso. ¹⁵⁰

In the years preceding the World War this mood once again found expression, as it had in the past, in the case of the principal Onitiu. A boy scout troop was formed by some students at the Romanian schools of Brasso in 1912/13. The scout leaders immediately sought contact with the scouts of Romania. They procured the bulletins and publications of the command of the Great Legion of Romanian Boy scouts, because they wanted to organize on the same model. They almost

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literally followed the basic principle announced in the Tribuna thirty years earlier, according to which the Romanians must strive first and foremost not to separate themselves from their brothers in Romania. The scouts from Brasso succeeded in establishing contact with the scouts from Romania in the second year of World War I when the attitude of Romania had become ambiguous and when "the central powers looked upon Romania's neutrality with distrust anyway," wrote Romanian chronicler. ¹⁵¹

The contacts with Romania established by the Romanian students of Brasso bore fruit in 1916. Romania entered the war and rapidly occupied the counties of Transylvania along the border. Romanian troops entered Brasso. The scouts from the secondary school immediately reported to the commander of the Romanian forces and offered their services. From then on, during the entire period of Romanian occupation, they were most active in maintaining law and order in Brasso. We read in the bulletin that:

the police kept a close watch on the movements of the foreign population [Hungarian and German] antagonistic to the Romanian army, apprehended the whispering conspirators no matter how circumspect they may have been, and denounced them to those in charge of the supervision of public order.

They carried out the directives issued by city hall and supported their faculties especially, M. Bogdan, Dr. Stinghe Stere, and Papus, who were the first to take an oath of allegiance to Ferdinand I King of Romania. ¹⁵²

The Romanian forces were able to hold on to Brasso for only a few months and then had to withdraw from Transylvania. The faculty of the Romanian secondary schools of Brasso was in a serious predicament. During the Romanian occupation the faculty, along with many students, had severely compromised themselves vis-à-vis the returning Hungarian authorities. What would the "barbarian" Hungarians do to them, what would Apponyi do to the schools and their teachers who had carried out the orders issued by the Romanian headquarters so openly and enthusiastically? Tortured by this dilemma and worried about the possible consequences, the principal of the secondary school, Dr. Iosif Blaga, joined the departing Romanian forces and left Hungary along with ten of his colleagues. Of the seventeen professors at the two secondary schools only three, those who felt themselves less compromised, remained at their post. They too probably waited with anxiety: what reprisals would be taken against the schools which, from the

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Hungarian point of view, had been hotbeds of treason? Would Apponyi close them down? A few months later the Romanian professors could breathe easier, for Apponyi did not close down the schools; in fact, he helped the new professors, chosen to replace those who had departed for Romania, to receive the state subsidies, which they were able to retain until the collapse of 1918.¹⁵³ The schools could continue to operate undisturbed under the aegis of the Hungarian authorities; twenty Romanian students, in the academic year 1916-17 and 28 in 1917-18 received their high school diploma. ¹⁵⁴ Judging from these facts, the Hungarian government did not take revenge for the attitude of the professors at the Romanian secondary school of Brasso.

No restrictions were imposed on the influence of the Greater Romanian idea prevailing in the Romanian secondary schools of Hungary since, in accordance with the principle of freedom of instruction, anyone could register at these schools. Anyone of any creed, any ethnic group, whether Hungarian, Romanian, German, or Jew, could be admitted to a Romanian secondary school. Consequently one may find students of different religions, nationalities and even from different countries among the student body of the Romanian secondary schools throughout the period of Hungarian rule. What more, certain schools, such as the ones at Brasso and Balazsfalva, became veritable gathering points for Romanian students from different countries. The yearbook of the secondary school at Brasso states:

Our Romanian cultural institution has acquired a special character distinguishing it from other secondary schools because of its very geographical location along the old borders and close to the nucleus of our race, so that our sons from every area inhabited by Romanians may converge to their alma mater... to enjoy greater freedom in the compilation of the curriculum and the distribution of the subjects. Students from all the Romanian provinces come to Brasso where they are not forced to study subjects for which they feel no need, such as Hungarian language for youths coming from Romania.¹⁵⁵

These lines were written by Ion Clinciu, a graduate of the Brasso secondary school, who presents his personal experiences regarding the freedom of instruction prevailing in the schools and safeguarded by the laws of Hungary. The yearbooks of the Romanian secondary schools

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provide ample evidence to indicate that this freedom of instruction prevailed at all schools, without restrictions. According to the yearbook of the secondary school of Brasso, in the academic year 1895/96, the student body included Christian Kertsch from Ploesti, Adolf Kraushaar from Bucharest, and George Feneki from Bretcu. Among the student body at the Uniate secondary school of Balazsfalva we find Aurel Deac from Poiana Aries [Aranyospojan], Joan Astalus from Cergaul Mic [Kiscserged], Joan Vasas Cherestes from Santiona, Alexandru Ciachi from Ostrovul Mare [Nagyosztro], Joan Feher from Seplac [Szeplak], George Chelemen from Turdasul Roman [Olahtordos], Alex Csergedi from Blaj [Balazsfalva], Emil Jozon from the same place, Alex Mesaros from Turda, Emil Pataky from Stoiana [Eszteny], Stefan Banfi from Somostelnic [Szamostelke], Stefan Halmagyi from Comana Inferioara [Alsokoman]. The purely Hungarian sound of the surnames indicates that these students were of Hungarian background, albeit Romanianized. The strictly Romanian transcription of the place names shows that the administration of the Romanian secondary school enjoyed unlimited editorial freedom. German and Jewish students could attend the Uniate kindergarten of Balazsfalva freely: among them we find Wlwarth, Lozinger, Szinberg, Trencsiner, Heisikovits, Schmidt, Benedek, Harghes, Hajek, Schramm, Ambrus, and Bartha. Among the student body of the girls' high school we find Amalia Mezei, Ottilia Rics, Emilia Birtolon, Gizella Bretter, Elena Halasz, Ida Simon, Emma Stromayer - all students from other than Romanian background. Indeed, this was the case everywhere. According to the yearbook from 1906-07 there were 61 Orthodox, two "Helvetians," two Jewish and 7 Hungarians in addition to 440 students of the Uniate creed at the secondary school of Balazsfalva. Four of the Romanian students came directly from Romania. In the same year, the 405 students registered at the secondary school of Belenyes were divided as follows: 203 Uniate, 143 Orthodox, 16 Roman Catholic, 1 Jewish, 9 from Romania, 1 from Russia, and 1 from Greece. The 88 students at the junior high school included 16 from Romania, but there were also some Hungarians and Jews. Among the 95 students at the Romanian commercial school of Brasso we also find Romanian citizens, altogether 12, and 5 Jews. In that academic year only the Romanian school at Brad had no students from Romania; two students from Romania are mentioned in the yearbook at the Naszod secondary school along with 12 Hungarians, 6 Germans, and 7 Jews among a student body of 276.

The above data provide clear evidence that students of all ethnic backgrounds, languages, and creeds could attend the Romanian secondary schools of Hungary, since the freedom of instruction guaran-

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teed in the Hungarian laws on education was a living reality. Similarly, the freedom to register any student studying at home was a reality. According to the Romanian yearbooks mentioned above there were sixteen such students at Balazsfalva, 9 at Belenyes, 6 at the high school in Brasso, 2 at the junior high school, 2 at the commercial school, 7 at Brad, 10 at Naszod. They were examined in the autonomous Romanian secondary schools and provided with state approved certificates much as in the state secondary schools with Hungarian as the language of instruction. The criteria for admittance were defined by the school-sponsoring organization and everybody was admitted who did not create a disturbance for Romanian interests. The state did not intervene in this area at all.

It was generally accepted that Romanian parents who had almost assimilated under the influence of the great masses of Hungarians in areas with a Hungarian majority decided to send their children to Romanian secondary schools. In these schools children not only regained their Romanian identity but were converted into young people with ardent Greater Romanian ideas and embraced anti-Hungarian sentiments. In addition to saving those members of their ethnic group who were in danger of being Hungarianized, they promoted the process of Romanianization of those Hungarians who, after 1850, during the period of Austrian domination, lived in areas with a mixed population. According to the 1906 exhibit of the Romanians from Hungary at the Bucharest fair altogether 309 Hungarian villages had been Romanianized in the counties of Szolnok-Doboka, Torda-Aranyos, Hunyad, Beszterce-Naszod, Arad, Szilagy, and other counties, during the second half of the 19th century. ¹⁵⁶ Thus this Romanianization took place mainly under Hungarian rule, altering the ethnic complexion of entire regions. We have seen that as early as 1885 the Tribuna gave an account of this process of Romanianization of the Hungarians, noting with satisfaction that ,'there are villages, and even entire regions, which were not Romanian before, whereas now they are inhabited by purely Romanian people.'' ¹⁵⁷ Among these were the seven Romanian villages of the county of Hunyad which had been Romanianized since the 18th century. ¹⁵⁸ Hungarian public opinion and the government were well aware of this. In spite of this neither the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education nor the government as a whole thought of barring the children of such parents from the Romanian secondary schools and forcing them to attend schools with Hungarian as the

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language of instruction. The Romanian secondary schools achieved success in other ways as well. As we have seen, Aurel Deac, Alex Csergedi, Alexandru Ciachi (Sandor Csaki), Ioan Astalus, and their companions who, in spite of their Uniate religion, were all of Hungarian background, could enroll at the Romanian secondary school of Balazsfalva. Their Romanian feelings were reinforced on Hungarian territory in a secondary school where Romanian was the language of instruction, under the tutorship of teachers with irredentist feelings who were receiving a complementary salary from the Hungarian state.

The students at Romanian secondary schools absorbed irredentist anti-Hungarian ideas not merely from the lectures of their teachers their Romanian ethnic consciousness was enhanced in self-improving circles, thanks to the books available in youth libraries, but mostly thanks to the Romanian press. According to the 1906-07 yearbook of the Romanian secondary school of Balazsfalva, "in addition to the regular meetings, the members of the self-improvement circle read together, every week for two hours the newspapers and periodicals to which the circle subscribed." What were these publications like? The youth library received 14 strictly Romanian political dailies and periodicals, ten of which came from the Kingdom of Romania. Among these they had access to Iorga's famous irredentist serial, the Neamul Romanesc. In addition to the press products from Romania the library received, free of charge, the 22 volumes of publications of the Romanian Academy. Where the youth library did not receive these papers the students had access to them through the faculty library. It is easy enough to imagine the impact of these papers, given the tone of extreme hatred most Romanian journalists evinced towards Hungarians and the Hungarian state.

The school officials of the Hungarian government did not interfere with the inner life of the students at Romanian secondary schools. What newspapers the students read, what gown or cap they wore, etc. was left entirely up to them. At times the dormitories of the secondary schools resounded from anti-Hungarian songs. These incidents were seldom reported to the Minister. But when someone contributed to the students' boarding expenses, it was brought to the Minister's attention. According to an item in one Romanian weekly, in 1908 Minister of Religious Affairs and Education, Count Apponyi sent a letter of appreciation to Simion Catarig, a Romanian peasant from Naszod, and to his wife, thanking them for donating 1,000 crowns towards the boarding of students at Naszod. ¹⁵⁹

The number of Romanian secondary school students did not fluctuate significantly during the period of Hungarian rule. The student body

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came, in general, from the same social strata. The largest number of students, on a steady rise during the last decade and a half of Hungarian rule, attended the high school of Balazsfalva: there were 440 students in the academic year 1906-07, and 559 in 1913-14. In the latter year altogether 149 students took the high school graduation examination in their mother tongue at Brasso, Naszod, and Balazsfalva. The last mentioned alone awarded 64 diplomas. When the enrollment was excessively large, the Romanian secondary schools set up parallel classes for which no prior or post facto ministerial authorization was necessary. Judging from the numbers, the Romanian secondary schools were not overcrowded, although the five schools were too few for a total population of almost three million Romanians. Romanian parents often preferred to send their children to Hungarian schools because they felt that the children would surely learn the Hungarian state language there. The best known leaders of Greater Romania after 1918 - Iuliu Maniu, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod, Octavian Goga, Roman Ciorogariu, Miron Cristea - had all completed their secondary studies at Hungarian state or denominational schools. All these facts refute the well-known thesis of Romanian authors regarding forced Hungarianization, i.e. the repression of Romanian feelings among Romanian children. Surely these schools could not have been so aggressive in their Hungarianization if the Romanian students graduating from them included political celebrities so active in Romanian public life.

It is undeniable, however, that the Hungarian government did not encourage the establishment of Romanian secondary schools. After the Compromise, the Romanians attempted to set up a secondary school at Nagysomkut [Somcuta Mare], and later at Karansebes, with Romanian as the language of instruction. The government did not oblige and, what was a more serious mistake, it did not set up secondary schools with Romanian as the language of instruction on its own, even though it should have according to the stipulations of Article 17 of the Law on Nationalities. It is obvious that this mistaken educational policy caused the Hungarians more harm than good. Even from a Hungarian point of view it would have been advantageous to set up state secondary schools with Romanian as the language of instruction in which the curriculum, the textbooks, and the faculty would have been selected by the state itself The Hungarian government hindered the establishment of new schools because it considered the irredentism of the Romanian intelligentsia enough of a threat to the Hungarian state as it was. Moreover, neither the admission of students nor the setting up of parallel classes met with obstacles in the Romanian schools already in existence. Consequently the Romanians could make good use of the

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institutions that did exist and which granted diplomas, recognized by the state, to quite a few. Nor were there any obstacles to admitting them to secondary schools with Hungarian as the language of instruction. The Romanian teenagers could acquire the knowledge, that is the diploma which certified the acquisition of this knowledge, necessary to enter an institution of higher learning, whether in their mother tongue or in the language of the state. Naturally, the ratio of the Romanian students attending schools with Romanian to those attending schools with Hungarian as the language of instruction varied as time went on. For instance, in the academic year 1911-12, 45% of the 4,256 Romanian secondary school students attended schools with Romanian as the language of instruction as opposed to 55% who attended Hungarian schools. ¹⁶⁰ Thus the reproduction of the Romanian intelligentsia was ensured. The members of this intelligentsia prepared for careers in the church at universities with Romanian as the language of instruction, while they attended German or Hungarian universities to prepare for other careers.

From 1867 to 1918 a total of six Romanian theological institutes functioned on Hungarian soil, three were Orthodox and three Uniate. The three Orthodox seminaries were at Szeben, Arad, and Karansebes. The Uniate institutes at Balazsfalva and Nagyvarad taught in Romanian; the Uniate institute at Szamosujvar taught the seminarians in Latin. The Hungarian state, as we have seen in our chapter on the churches, did not interfere at all with the internal life of the Romanian seminaries, hence Romanian churches enjoyed the greatest autonomy in this area as well. Whether the seminarians needed to study the official language was left entirely up to the church authorities. Indeed, since Romanian church authorities felt no need to have the official language taught, it was not taught at these seminaries during the entire period of Hungarian rule ¹⁶¹. On the other hand, Romanian language and literature were required subjects.

The Hungarian state contributed financially towards the upkeep of the seminaries. The Orthodox seminaries received financial help from the treasury, whereas the Uniate seminaries received it from the Religious Foundation. In the case of the Uniates the assistance often consisted of scholarships for the students of theology. For instance, each year the Religious Foundation covered completely the tuition of 32 Romanian Uniate seminarians belonging to the diocese of Nagyvarad. ¹⁶² Since the diocese of Nagyvarad was able to set up a seminary

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institute only in the years immediately preceding World War I, the candidates who received scholarships from the Foundation attended Hungarian Catholic seminaries. They were at the center of a great scandal at the Catholic institutions of Nagyvarad and Ungvar in 1912. They refused to sing along or behave in a respectful manner when the country's anthem was sung on the occasion of the national holiday. Since their attitude provoked increasing tension at these institutions the administration expelled them. For weeks and months on end the Romanian press editorialized about the matter, passing over in silence one of the most important factors, namely that these seminarians were studying at state expense as guests at institutions with a Hungarian and Catholic character, where they should have adapted to the traditions of the host institution, if only as a matter of courtesy.

Generally speaking, the Romanian theological institutes were focal points for Romanian ideas. The most important role among them was played by the Orthodox theological institute of Nagyszeben and the Uniate seminary of Balazsfalva. Both promoted the most ardent Greater Romanian ideas. Since the Hungarian government did not apply any kind of pressure on these institutions, there was every opportunity for training the seminarians in an irredentist sense. True to their tradition, the Uniate theologians of Balazsfalva expressed their Greater Romanian feelings at occasional literary soirees. Of course, one item on the program for such a soiree, in early 1902, was the anti- Hungarian march "Awake Romanian from your Slumber" which, as we may read in the Romanian paper, "echoes the feelings not only of the Romanians of Transylvania, but of all oppressed and victimized Romanians.'' ¹⁶³ The Orthodox theologians did not lag behind their Uniate counterparts. Similar declarations were occasionally made at the seminaries of Nagyszeben, Karansebes, and Arad as well. At the end of 1911, for example, the seminarian Stefan Metes delivered a two-hour lecture at the Orthodox seminary regarding the work of the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga. Iorga was the best known spokesman of anti-Hungarian Romanian irredentism whose periodical, the Neamul Romanesc, even the Hungarian government was forced to ban from the country. Of course, Metes spoke of Iorga with much enthusiasm, pointing out his contributions to the cause of all Romanians, on account of which the Romanians of Hungary should show him particular affection.

There were no Romanian institutions of higher learning on Hungarian territory apart from the seminaries. The Romanians launched a movement for the establishment of a Romanian state

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university as early as 1848. In 1849, the Austrians had promised to establish such a university at Balazsfalva, but did not keep their promise. Since in 1850 rumor had it that the Austrian government, instead of the Romanian university it had promised, planned to establish a German university at Nagyszeben, the Romanians protested. They declared that the establishment of a German university would constitute a dangerous experiment jeopardizing the development of Romanian national culture and leading to the deculturation of the Romanians. ¹⁶⁴ The German university was not set up, but the Austrian government continued to desist from setting up a Romanian one.

After the Compromise, Article 19 of the Law on the Nationalities provided for setting up chairs for teaching the languages spoken in the country and the pertinent literatures. From 1862/63 there was a chair of Romanian language and literature at the University of Budapest, and a similar chair was established at the University of Kolozsvar in 1872, in accordance with the prescriptions of the Law on the Nationalities. The first professor to occupy the chair at Kolozsvar was Gergely Szilasi [Grigoriu Silasi] who, in spite of his Hungarian name, was one of the most ardent Romanian nationalists. His counterpart at Budapest and the occupant of the chair until the end of the century was the parliamentary deputy Alexander Roman, a member of the Romanian Academy of Bucharest.

Thus the Romanians of Hungary had no separate university with Romanian as the language of instruction. Romanian students registered either at the Hungarian universities in Kolozsvar and Budapest, or at German-language universities in Vienna or elsewhere. The Romanian students had ample opportunities for cultivating their national sentiments at these institutions.

The situation of the Romanian students at Hungarian universities was marked by a complete lack of restrictions on enrollment, opportunities for free tuition and other expenses, and the freedom to express their national consciousness. Thanks to these three factors the university students of Romanian background flourished at Hungarian and German universities.

Admission to the Hungarian universities of Budapest and Kolozsvar was not restricted. Among the Romanian complaints we find none regarding obstacles to admission, or some kind of a "numerus clausus" applying to the nationalities. One could register without hindrance for courses in the faculty of medicine, of law, or any other faculty. We have seen that in order to qualify as law professor the Romanian candidate had to be certified by a committee created for this specific purpose by

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the higher church authorities. The Romanian professorial candidates did not have to attend a Hungarian university until 1885, and even then, for a decade after the law entered into effect, they could continue to take their final examination in their mother tongue with the permission of the Minister. ¹⁶⁵ In other words, Romanian students preparing to become professors had to take an examination in what was for them a foreign language only from 1893 on, 25 years after the start of Hungarian rule; from then on they were examined on their knowledge of Hungarian as well. Even then, however, the Romanians were able to avoid this easily at the beginning. Most Romanian medical students completed their studies at Vienna, Paris, or even Bucharest, yet could practice medicine freely in Hungary on the basis of their foreign diploma. There was no official impediment to this until 1898, inasmuch as the validity of the diploma obtained abroad was recognized without ado. In 1898 Minister of the Interior, Dezso Perczel, issued a directive requiring the validation of foreign diplomas through an examination administered in Hungarian. ¹⁶⁶

Romanian students seldom complained about bias on the part of the professors at Hungarian universities, nor did they have a reason for so doing. They experienced no problems either at Budapest or at Kolozsvar if they studied; there was no discrimination on account of ethnic background.

Another interesting issue was the financial resources available to Romanian students; were they not hampered in their studies by lack of funds, given the oft-mentioned destitution of the Romanians?

Financially speaking, the Romanian students had many opportunities available to them. Apart from the slow but steady material improvement of Romanian social strata, the Romanian students coming from a poor home had various scholarships at their disposal. Those of Orthodox faith could rely, first of all, on the enormous financial resources of the Goidu Foundation, whereas the dependents of the Border Guards could rely on the income of the foundation of the border regions of Naszod and Karansebes, on the banks, the Astra, the churches, the Romanian associations, and sometimes even on state support. Manuil Gojdu was a Romanian attorney born in Nagyvarad who became the governor of the county of Krasso-Szoreny in 1861, and judge of the Hungarian Royal Court in 1869. On November 4,1869, he established a foundation bearing his name and based on his considerable properties, for the benefit of Romanian students of the Orthodox

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faith. The real estate property consisted of a building in Budapest on Kiraly Street, a villa in Rakos, acreage, and valuable stocks. The base capital of the foundation grew from day to day. On the one hand, the stocks rose in value, on the other hand the villa at Rakos and the surrounding garden, required by the state railroads, was appropriated for 125,000 forints instead of its appraised value of 54,174 forints. ¹⁶⁷ As a result of its rapid rise in value the principal of the foundation amounted to two million forints by the turn of the century. On January 1, 1907, it was 7.340,317 crowns and 73 fillers, invested in three buildings in Budapest, one at Nagyvarad, and in valuable stocks.

One third of the income (i.e. interest) from the fund was distributed in accordance with the will of Gojdu as scholarships to Romanian students of Orthodox faith. The foundation was administered by dignitaries of the Romanian Orthodox Church and distinguished secular personalities. From October 18,1882, the funds were handled at the see of Nagyszeben, which became the treasury of the foundation, although its offices were set up in Budapest. The latter was also the address where the students had to apply for their scholarship every year by August 5. Any Romanian student of the Orthodox faith at a primary of secondary school, but particularly at an institution of higher learning, who could prove hardship, became eligible to apply. The scholarship could consist of anywhere between 60 and 500 forints, depending on which school the student had selected. The scholarships were disbursed in four installments each year by the bursar at the Budapest office. Not overmuch was expected from the applicant. The main requirements were to complete his studies, remain faithful to the Orthodox Church, and to take courses in Romanian language and literature if these were offered. Even in case of failure the scholarship was merely suspended. If the candidate passed the makeup examination he retained his scholarship. It was withdrawn only if he failed a second time.

Actually, most scholarships went to students attending institutions of higher learning. Altogether about 3,000 Romanian students received Gojdu scholarships from the time the Foundation was established to World War I; and most of the recipients attended a university. In the academic year 1906-07 the recipients included 30 doctoral students, 58 law students, 20 medical students, 14 in the humanities, 14 technicians, 4 students in forestry, 2 veterinarian students, 12 cadets, 2 studying to become notaries, 1 student at a general commercial academy, 1 at the commercial academy in Croatia and, finally, 17 secondary school students. Hence in the academic year 1906-07 there were 161 universi- ty students and 17 high school students receiving scholarships amounting to a total of 71, 786 crowns and 5 fillers. ¹⁶⁸

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In addition to the Gojdu Foundation, in the decade and a half preceding World War I, the Central Scholarship Fund of the Naszod border region granted a yearly average of 20 to 22 scholarships to university students, while the Commonwealth of Karansebes granted scholarships to the same number of students in forestry and other fields. From 1908 the Romanian cultural association Astra provided free room and board to 16 Romanian university students at Kolozsvar, in addition to other scholarships. The sizable sums donated each year by the Romanian banks for so-called cultural purposes added to these opportunities. In 1911, 4.75% of the net profits of the banks, that is 190,504 crowns, were earmarked for cultural purposes, ¹⁶⁹ and assistance to university students was one of these purposes. Assistance to university students also came from Romania; some of this was announced openly and disbursed by Romanian organizations, while other help was provided in secret, in a manner and quantities still unknown. For a long time the scholarships offered from Bucharest to Romanian students at Hungarian universities could be announced in the newspapers without any jeopardy. A special association was formed in Bucharest to assist students from Hungary, the very name of which indicated its function: "The Transylvania Company to Help Romanian University Students from Across the Carpathians.'' ¹⁷⁰ This association covered the expenses of many students, in exchange for which the students were told which university to attend. The scholarships and the conditions for applying were announced in Romanian newspapers in Hungary. For instance when a scholarship for a medical student became vacant in June 1885 the association placed an advertisement in the largest Romanian paper in Hungary and called upon students to apply for it. The application had to be sent to Bucharest. Only Romanian students from Hungary were eligible. The successful candidates received a yearly 1,600 lei, and they had to pursue their medical studies at the University of Vienna. ¹⁷¹

We know from Slavici's autobiography that, in addition to the above association, the Junimea of Romania also gave assistance to Romanian university students from Hungary. Slavici was able to support himself thanks to the stipend provided by Junimea, a monthly 12 pieces of gold, forwarded at first by Eminescu, and later through the intermediary of Jacob Negruzzi. This stipend enabled Slavici to cover the expenses of his studies at the University of Vienna. ¹⁷²

To summarize, 200 to 250 Romanian university students received scholarships sufficient to cover their studies (tuition, room, and board) in the years preceding World War I. About the same number may have received greater or lesser stipends from the Romanian associations in

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Bucharest, or from the Romanian government itself. For the time being this can only be surmised, on the basis of circumstantial evidence, since specific data is not available given the nature of the subject.

The Hungarian state provided annual scholarships to Romanian seminarians; the Roman Catholic Religious Foundation covered the expenses of 32 seminarians of the Uniate diocese of Nagyvarad and of 15 more from the diocese of Lugos. ¹⁷³ Each year, upon graduation from an Orthodox theological institute, four theologians could attend a university in the country or abroad, thanks to Hungarian state scholarships. ¹⁷⁴

Thus the needy Romanian university students in Hungary could avail themselves of various kinds of financial opportunities to cover their studies expenses. Their best opportunity came from Romanian society in general, which was becoming more prosperous year after year. The students could overcome their financial difficulties with relative ease and concentrate on completing their studies.

What were the national sentiments of the Romanian students studying at Hungarian universities? To what extent did the Hungarian university have a negative impact on the evolution of their Romanian sentiments? Since most Romanian students pursued their studies at Kolozsvar or Budapest, we will focus on the conditions at these two universities. The University of Vienna lying outside Hungarian jurisdiction, the possibilities open to Romanian students there do not fall within the scope of our investigations.

THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940