Toward a New Central Europe

A SAFEGUARD OF PEACE IN EAST CENTRAL EUROPE Old Problems in New Circumstances

FERENC KOSZORUS

FREEDOM and economic welfare are closely associated with national security induced by powerful self-defense, and the reverse is also true.

Historical events since 1933, followed by the Second World War and its consequences showed: the European balance of power destroyed after the First World War has not been recreated at anytime since.

Clemenceau's foreign policy during 191S20 tried to create security by force, but it definitely upset the balance of power, with the result that the climate of world politics during the following fifteen years became more uncertain than it was at anytime before. Many small ultranationalist states fabricated upon the ruins of the AustroHungarian Monarchy - for some centuries a traditional pivot of the balance of power in Central Europe - were unable to exert an influence toward keeping the balance and promoting security. These new small states with their conflicting interests were too weak and offered an inviting challenge to the powerful aggressors, Hitler and Stalin. The Western Powers, on the other hand, could not permanently nurse the small states, and such a policy would have meant world war within the shortest space of time. Without adequate assistance, these small states proved unable to defend themselves.

In our time, evolution points to the formation of large economic and political units. And it is evident, that after the birth of the idea of the federation of West European states, it would be imperative to unite many small nations in East Central Europe to form a powerful political, economic and military unit within the framework of a European United States. Such a Federation would guarantee peaceful symbiosis, freedom, economic prosperity in countries which in the past decades had been fighting each other; it would be able to defend itself, and by so doing it would contribute to the maintenance of world peace.

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Based upon the above aims, we will deal with the military aspects which must be considered as imperative, even before the first steps are taken toward the suggested solution. The political, military and economic problems at the summit are closely interrelated, and it is quite impossible to speak of one problem without referring to the others. It would be a fatal mistake to build first a political groundwork for a Federation and at the same time to neglect the military aspect, without which political problems could hardly be solved.

The fundamental basis of this Federation will consist of the geographical and economic conditions of the territories inhabited by many small nations. For organization of such a Federation, the constitution of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, of the United States of America, and also of the West German Republic, could serve as useful examples.

As prospective member states of a Central European Federation, because of their geographical position, the following states could be considered: Poland, Bohemia, Moravia, Slovakia, Hungary, SubCarpathia, Transylvania, Rumania, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Dalmatia and Montenegro.

This would result in a union from 13 to 15 small countries with almost as many languages as countries; and this is not an easy problem if we consider that within the boundaries of each member state their own language must be unconditionally guaranteed. In this case, we cannot count upon factors prevailing in America, which helped merge various early British, French, Spanish, Dutch and German settlers resulting in one official language for the United States. In modern times we know of only one country which consisted of so many small, multilingual nations: this was the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy.

What was that force that kept together the nations of this Empire for more than three centuries? It was first of all, the person of the Emperor and his officers. This fact was universally recognized. It was also realized, that many small nations were living a comparatively happy life within its boundaries, speaking their own languages, living in perfect security, enjoying wealth, cultural progress and civilized life as members of a powerful, large Empire.

We have to utilize these same cohesive component forces and adapt them in the democratic spirit of our times. Condensed into one sentence: the leading principle is complete equality of rights and duties within a large Federation; for member states, as well as for individuals under the leadership of a strong central power, based upon democracy and morality.

In addition to the general terms herein and above outlined. the practical raison d'etre and endurance of the suggested Federation depends also on other spiritual and material components. It is imperative, above all, to set the constitutional and organizational

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groundwork in such a way that it should strengthen, in every respect, the unity within the state, and should not weaken it during critical periods and vital tests.

The prosperity and endurance of states depend partly upon the political talents of their citizens and partly upon their economic resources. The first factor is the inborn intelligence of the people; the second is the volume of natural resources and economic wealth. We, soldiers, consider these two, spiritual and economic factors as equally and vitally important. In the Carpathian-Danubian Basin, in this battlefield of East and West, the Huns - in power and strength superior to the Hungarians - were unable to keep this territory for longer than six decades and the Avars ruled there only for 130 years. The Hungarians, however, kept their country for over a thousand years. The geographical conditions were the same all the time, yet the spiritual factors were different.

The ability of a people or a nation to form a state and preserve it is founded upon inborn intelligence, patriotic self-discipline and self-sacrificing spirit of the individuals. This is the source for a firm moral, resolute, farseeing leadership at the highest level. The common spiritual quality of the community has its roots in culture, philosophy, aims, traditions, ideals and education.

Selection of the member states of the Federation should give priority to the people who have given proof of their state-forming abilities. It is imperative that the spiritual qualities of the member states within the Federation should be in harmony with each other; they should not be divergent and by no means stubbornly antagonistic, for instead of serving and promoting the interests of the state, the antagonistic forces would be spending their strength in internal struggles. This - in case of war - would certainly result in the fall of the Federation.

From a military point of view, it is necessary that the Federation should be formed on the ground of voluntary decisions of the member states and their individual citizens. This self-determination should be based upon the realization that it is better and safer for them to live in freedom in a federation, than to be left alone to their uncertain fate, misery and possible destruction as individual small nations. Needless to say, that a federation, based upon voluntary and harmonious cooperation of its component forces, is more powerful than any state ruled by force alone.

History reveals, that there are indications showing the good will for cooperation, and mutual assistance of the previously mentioned small nations. Most of them lived in friendship during long centuries, often assisting each other unselfishly, as e.g., during the centuries of the Ottoman rule. For 600 years the Polish-Hungarian friendship brilliantly braved the tests even during Hitler's rule.

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All these facts considered, it is probable, that the friendly nations now, as contractual parties with equal rights, would be glad to hold once again each other's hands in the interest of their mutual security and welfare. This unity of friendly nations within a Federation will be the core of a magnet, which could draw other neighbors of good will into the union. It will not be obligatory to join.

The affairs of the Federation should be handled by a strong Federal government, responsible to the Federal President and to the Federal Parliament. As the capital of the Federation, Krakow or Budapest could be chosen. The latter would be a preferable choice from a military point of view.

The leadership of the armed forces shall be a federal concern. The president of the federation should be the supreme commander of the federal armed forces. It is his duty to appoint, promote or dismiss military commanders from the rank of commander of a battalion or regiment up to that of the highest ranks. Complying with this duty, he should rely upon proposals made by the chief of staff. The president will have to sanction stratagems submitted by the chief of staff prepared in cooperation with the minister for national defense and the defense committee of the parliament. The president will also have to sanction other proposals of organizational nature. The president will have to entrust the chief commander of the armed forces with strategic tasks; however, he shall not interfere with the practical military leadership. As supreme commander, the president could bring a charge against the chief commander of the armed forces, or the chief of staff; and he must give his sanction to sentences im posed by competent military tribunal.

The highest military position in the federal armed forces, the chief commander of the armed forces, is subordinate only to the President. He is fully responsible for the training and discipline of the armed forces; and after consultation with the federal foreign and defense ministers, together with his deputy, the chief of staff, will prepare the stratagems. These stratagems will then be discussed in the defense committee of the federal parliament. After this, the final proposal will be submitted to the federal president. The chief commander of the federal armed forces must inform the federal government, in peace time, about the strength and preparedness of the armed forces; and, in war, about the military operations. If the Parliament's view concurs with that of the chief of the armed forces, then requests by the Government will be carried out by the chief commander. In case of divergent views, the decision is in the hands of the federal president.

The official language of the supreme command, and of units down to the divisions should be the official language of the Federation. The language of command within other military formations (battalion,

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regiment), should be the language of the member state which supplies the formation.

Member states should have their own police force, equipped with medium-range weapons. Organization and strength of the police force will have to be determined by the federal government. Discipline and service will have to be directed and supervised by the inspector of police, who is directly subordinate to the federal home secretary. The inspector has the necessary disciplinary and command powers.

It will be necessary to introduce severe legislation to guarantee the unity of the Federation. A permanent mixed organization consisting of civilian and military members, and belonging to the Staff of the Federal President should be established. Its duty would be to watch over the necessary legislation and initiate pertinent investigations concerning federal security. Upon order by the president, the federal parliament, the government, or the chief commander of the Armed Forces, investigations could be initiated against anybody. Depending on the result of such investigations, the attorney general could prosecute any person for high treason, either before a federal court or a military tribunal. The absolute majority of the federal parliament could impeach the president for the same crime.

Many instructive warnings are to be found in the so-called "Peace Treaties" at the end of the first and the second world wars. Decisions concerning the boundaries, based upon force, will have to be avoided. The Polish, German and Russian boundaries deserve careful considerations and, in case of difficulties, a plebiscite should be held. Admission of Austrians and Czechs into the Federation requires careful negotiations. Common historical, cultural, geographical and economic factors, mentioned previously, make the admission of Austria very desirable. However, one has to ponder how long will Austria's neighbor, Germany, abstain from demanding such a large German-speaking territory. In the case of the Czechs, the Polish-Czech and the Hungarian-Czech antagonism is a well-known fact. This reached its climax during the First World War when Benes demanded Russian influence over Central Europe in 1915. This attitude of the Czechs has not changed much since then, and this would not promote the fundamental aims of the Federation.

If approximately 75% of the suggested nations would join, the total population of the Federation would reach 75-80 million people. This would assure that as a major power, the Federation would be able to defend itself and perpetuate its existence. If we take only men from 20 to 35 years of age for compulsory military service in case of war, and, of these only 60% were accepted; within ten years this would make up a total of 6 million trained soldiers. That means more than 100 divisions. Beside this, there would be enough manpower left for the Air Force and the Navy, and also for the higher military formations

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such as the Army Corps, and the Supreme Command. It is evident, that especially in the beginning, building up the armed forces will show slow progress due to the lack of professional officers. However, after surmounting the initial difficulties, in about 15 years, there would be 100 combat-ready divisions which, compared to the armed forces of other major powers, would be of similar strength, and a powerful deterrent to any aggressor.

As to the economic considerations, the most important requirement is that the Federation should be self-supporting. In this respect the outlook seems to be quite promising.

It is commonly known that the contour of boundaries of a country can make its defense easy or difficult. The latter is the case with our Federation. (See the sketch) Its horizontal planimetric disadvantages, however, will be kept in balance by the vertical formations along the eastern borders for a successful defense. All geographical points considered, the projected Federation would fulfill an important role in keeping the balance between the East and the West. The history of past centuries has proven that these geographical factors helped the nations of this region resist aggressors.

Military-geographical theory and historical experience have proven that the area of the Carpathian Mountains is blocking the main strategic directions from East to West and vice versa. It is a blocking line from a defensive point of view, because it lies along the Southern edge of the power zone. But it is important also because from this fortress successful strategic side attacks can stop and destroy any aggressive powers trying to transgress the Polish plains either northward or westward.

The line of the Carpathians runs practically in a semicircle, defending the Mid-Danube Basin. The wooded, very steep high mountains are passable only through the roads forming bottlenecks, and so comparatively small forces are able to stop and repulse very large enemy forces, as the attacks of the Petcheneg tribe against Europe in the 11th century were stopped and crushed. The same fate awaited the Mongol hordes of the Great Khan in the 13th century. With the help of the Carpathians in the Northeast and the East, overwhelming Russian attacks were stopped by the Hungarian forces between March and October, 1944. The small and poorly armed Hungarian 1st Army repulsed the Russian attacks until the Rumanians at the Southern Carpathian passes opened the way for them and let the Russians attack from the rear.

These historical facts prove that this region greatly assisted the defense of Central and Western Europe through centuries. The most recent experiences teach us that the Carpathian Danube Basin, with its surrounding mountains, should be undivided and included as such in the suggested Federation. Any division of this natural line of defense would make this powerful fortress lose its strategic importance.

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In summing up our short survey, and considering its historical background, we have to come to the conclusion that a Federation, as suggested, would be desirable. But its realization, however, though not impossible, will not be easy. It is never easy to unite heterogeneous peoples into one powerful organization, even if they are not multilingual. One should not forget the lesson of the American Civil War in 1861-1865. And the difficulties to be encountered with multilingual peoples are best demonstrated by the disintegration of the AustroHungarian Monarchy after World War I, when the dissolution started in Bohemia, with a small nation always favored by the Austrian emperors and backed by the West. Another example of the difficulties is the repeated fight of the Hungarians for their independence in the 18th and 19th centuries which also had deep-rooted reasons.

The final conclusion of our deliberations is that a Federation of the nations of East Central Europe is a difficult, but worthwhile project. And from a military viewpoint it may be a real safeguard of peace in Europe. The solution of the old problem in new circumstances will be the test probe of statesmanship, and the proof of the maturity of the respective peoples. They must see clearly their future dangers and eliminate with objectivity and goodwill the obstacles toward unity.

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Toward a New Central Europe