Toward a New Central Europe

EAST CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNITY

JOSEPH GALGANOWICZ

THE idea of European integrationóall-European or regional Federationóis not a new one. Numerous attempts were made in the past. All of these were based either on idealistic conceptions or on conceptions of power politics, the latter meaning domination. The two world wars exhausted and weakened Europe biologically and materially. A tremendous progress of technology especially in the field of transportation and armaments, reduced considerably the poli- tical and military role of Europe and even challenged her survival as an independent political entity. There is no doubt today that salva- tion lies in unity. Only a united Europe would be in a position to match the danger which threatens the political, economic, and cultural freedom of the European nations, and to preserve their historical influence in the world. Therefore, we are in favor of an all-European integrationóbe it a European Union or the United States of Europeó possessing supra-national legislative and executive organs. But we are realistic enough to comprehend that such a far-reaching integration of Europe is quite a remote ideal which can be achieved only grad- ually. ft can be assumed that a regional federation or unions of states bound by common interests and traditions will in all probability emerge in Central and Eastern Europe immediately after their libera- tion. Problems of common boundaries and economic problems seem best to be solved by a federation. Federalism is certainly an excellent idea, but we must consider with whom to federalize? That is, as I see it, the first basic question. Nations or states which want to fed- eralize should have a common ideological basis. We cannot imagine a federation of nations or states with different ideologies. Can we imagine a federation of a democratic nation with a totalitarian, fascist or communistic nation? These are not merely theoretical questions. We see democratic and totalitarian federations existing around us. The USA and the USSR are examples. We do not yet see a federation of democratic and non-democratic states. But we cannot dismiss the possibility of such a federation. We hear such suggestions from speak- ers whom we consider fascists. It could happen that, among the fed- eralized nations, democratic from the beginning, one state could fall into fascist or other anti-democratic lines. Such a change of the basic

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policy of this state would and should mean the disruption of the fed- eration, which can exist only on the basis of a homogeneous political ideology. Another problem is that of a federation between two or more states with national minorities claiming to be united. I think that these questions should be taken into consideration. Another factor which cannot be overlooked is nationalism, which, fortunately, appears to have lost most of its vital force. We realize that in the pres- ent situation no state in Europe can perform the functions for which it was originally designed. Standing alone, it can neither feed its peo- ple nor defend them. In time of war, national frontiers no longer have any real strategic significance. But we have to admit that the desire to retain national character and independent regional governments would certainly be strong in East Central Europe even within the framework of a federation. Yet, this self-determination in East Central Europe might be the consequence of international developments. Then the decision regarding a federation will have to be made by the former captive nations, who now live and dwell under circumstances deter- mined by the Soviet Union. These circumstancesócultural, political and economicóshould not be overlooked. In light of the possibility of a federation we must neither overestimate nor underestimate the similarities of the oppressed conditions and the political and economic institutions of the captive East Central European nations. I believe that these factors, along with others, work more toward federation than toward separation. I recall that Imre Nagy wrote among others: "Alone, relying on themselves, not one of the small nations along the Danube will be able to withstand the common danger threatening them." This truth applies to each of the East Central European coun- tries. But their union will only be possible if these people will be wise and brave enough to abandon their old-fashioned nationalism; if they will be able to make liberal concessions to each other; if they will be able to fill their national sentiments with progressive values. While the concept of federation itself is more and more accepted, the ter- ritory to be included is not quite so well-defined for those who think about the future arrangements of East Central Europe. The question of territory depends on a series of permanent as well as temporary factors. In answer to the question of the ideal geographical limits of an East Central European federation, I believe that the larger the ter- ritory to be included, the more realistic the solution.

In conclusion: for the time being it is not practical to ponder which states should and which should not join an East Central Euro- pean federation. It must depend very much on the dates and circum- stances of their liberation. In fact, the East Central European federa- tion, as a unit, should be the extension of the West and not the begin- ning of the East. If further intercontinental federations should be established, the East Central European federation should belong to the Atlantic federation and not to an East Eurasian one.

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Toward a New Central Europe