Toward a New Central Europe

II
FEDERALISM IN CENTRAL EUROPE

FROM KOSSUTH'S UNKNOWN FEDERALIST PAPERS (1)

BELA TALBOT KARDOS

LOUIS KOSSUTH wrote on February 25, 1850 in Brussa, Turkey, an Address to the People of the United States of America which was published in Washington DC by the newspapers "Union" on October 21, 1851, and the "National Era" in October 1851; also by the "New York Herald" on October 20, 1851. In this Address Kossuth said:

"Citizens of America! To you I declare with honesty that my final aim is the idea of Federation which would weld Hungarians and the other smaller neighboring nations into a Union, to secure the nationality and independence of each and freedom for all; freedom, not power was their desire. The sentiments of sympathy for our sufferings will inspire among the smaller states and races the wish for a fraternal confederation for that which I always urged as the only safe policy and guarantee of freedom for them all."

Main Principles of Federalism and Self-Government (2)
Introduction: Antagonism of Centralization (Etatism)
and Federalism (Self-Government)

Most misunderstanding originates from words ill-defined. I shall try to clarify them.

I have always been an enemy of political centralization which absorbs the independence of all communities, counties, provinces. I opposed it at a time when, in Hungary too, many heads were confused by brilliant theories sanctified by European, especially French biases. I have always been an enemy of centralization because I never could coordinate it with freedom.

This my conviction stands today firmer than ever. And I think there are many good reasons for it if we see what happens in France. even under the form of a Republic.

On the other hand, Habsburg Austria started a godless war against us under the pretext of its centralized system. Subsequent events - and I can say without boasting, I had a large part in them -

115

forced some constitutional reforms on Austria. But the Viennese government threw off these constitutional guarantees, and being a sworn enemy of freedom, returned to forced centralization, thereby paralyzing liberty which the constitutional forms seemed to give to the peoples concerned.

The French nation is a great nation. Under most varying forms of government it experimented with centralization. Yet under all these different banners, it has never been really free, not under the revolutionary Convent, neither under the Consulate, Emperor, Restauration, Louis Philip, nor at present. Not "suffrage universelle," the general right to vote, could unite centralization with freedom. And I predict that the efforts of the Socialists will also end in illusion, if, after getting into power, they will not abolish centralization by a radical change for federalism.

True Liberty Is Impossible Without Federalism

True liberty I am able to imagine only in the form of federation.

This has been my unchanging conviction ever since, knowing my mind, I have had my own way of thinking.

If I was asked - many years ago - when anybody, who had declared the events of 1848-49 to be possible, would probably have been called insane - if I was asked what I thought of Hungary's future, I replied that she has either no future, or if she has, her future is to form with the neighboring smaller nations a federation which shall secure the political liberty and independence of all these smaller nations against the overwhelming weight of any power, and their nationality against absorption.

If I was asked why I am a friend of the county system, I answered: Because I see the idea of federation also approachable in the inner organization of my country by planning the county system on a democratic basis.

If I was asked how I think the reconciliation of the nationality disputes, artificially stirred up or naturally awakened, possible, my reply was again: through the idea of federation.

This is an old belief of mine - a belief which I did not learn from anybody but derived out of myself, for which I was often derided as a dreamer - the persistence in which is not a concession on account of the present sad condition of my country, but an old conviction of which I have always been an adherent under favorable and adverse circumstances, undauntedly. It was this idea that led me even then, when, in 1841, I proposed the independence of Croatia and stood all alone with that opinion in the whole country.

If, therefore, somebody stands up against me in the name of the federation and calls himself above me, before me, the man of liberty, he has either never understood me or has given no account to himself of his own belief.

116

Small Nations Cannot Maintain Their Independence
Without Federation

Small nations can secure their political existence and independence only through a straight federation among themselves. Otherwise their political existence will ever be threatened by the preponderance of larger powers, and their nationality will be exposed to absorption.

This idea of federation is the surest guaranty of liberty everywhere, and for our country and the neighboring peoples it is the only possibility without which the secure existence of their respective states in inconceivable, to such an extent are they surrounded and threatened not only by overwhelmingly large, but by their very nature, also absolutistic powers.

From this situation follows for us and our neighbors in addition to the claims for securing our existence the destination to secure Europe and the civilization of Europe.

Europe felt that she needs a wall of defense against this danger and sought it at the cost of the oppression of so many peoples, in the Austrian Empire. So that the existence of the Austrian Empire is for Europe no longer a guaranty but a danger. This is the fact which cannot be denied, admitting no longer any alternative or choice. The confederation referred to above is an indispensable necessity for Europe.

The idea of confederation was thus designated by divine providence, the finger of which is revealed in the events so strikingly, as the only remedy for Europe. A Europe will have to atone mercilessly, if she does not obey the admonition of providence.

Principles and Aims of Federalism

The fundamental principles of the organism of this confederation are the following:

1.) Each confederate state is entirely independent from each and from the whole confederation in all its domestic affairs.

2.) The entire confederation in solidum secures the independence and national competence of each confederate state.

3.) It is only natural that the relations of Serbia and MoldaviaWallachia with the Turkish port (3) being their domestic affair, they are outside of the sphere of the confederation, and the federal government does not only not mingle with them but even offers to secure its friendly intentions toward the Port by a mutual defensive alliance.

4.) The objects of the confederation are:

a.) Common defense against exterior enemies.

b.) Common customs.

c.) Common diplomacy.

117

5.) The affairs of the confederation are to be governed by a federal council into which each confederate state delegates at least one and. in proportion to its population and territory, at most, four members.

6.) The members of the federal council are to be elected by the legislative bodies of the states concerned and may be recalled by them.

7.) The proportion of the contribution to the common defense and the common expenses, according to the population and the size of the territory, is to be fixed in the fundamental covenant of the confederation .

8.) The government of each state is bound to execute the decision of the federal government in its own sphere of authority, and the execution is to be guaranteed by the confederate states in solidum.

9.) In the ministry of each state one portfolio will be entrusted with the federal affairs; the federal councilors of the states being in constant official contact with the minister, the latter will represent the federal affairs at the national legislatures of the states concerned.

10.) Envoys to foreign powers are to be appointed and instructed by the federal council, the government of each state being free to have their own affairs represented either by the federal envoy or by a special delegate.

11.) The declaration of war and the conclusion of peace belong to the rights of the federal government.

12.) The seat of the federal government will be a place to be selected in the interior of Hungary, but not in the same place where the seat of Hungary's own government is located. The seat of the federal government is under the direct authority of the federal government, but is to be governed according to Hungarian laws and does not loose its right to representation in the Hungarian legislature. (See footnote on page 128).

13.) The federal council elects its president for one year from among its own members; it also decides itself as to the language of the deliberations and the minutes.

14.) The federal covenant would be subject to revision in every twenty-fifth year, on which occasion each state would be free to withdraw from the confederation or to bind itself to stay.

The above would be the principal feature of the constitution, subject of course, to modification in their form.

Inner Structure of a Member State and Division of Power

After these premises I shall draw up the contours of my construction in a short sketch:

1.) A good political division into counties (cantons) (4) which

118

shall be of equal size as far as possible and properly answer the natural requirements of successful administration.

2.) In this division attention must be paid mainly and above all to the nationalities, so that people of the same tongue shall be contained in a county (canton) as far as possible. This division solves the question of the reconciliation of the nationalities, or nothing can solve it, and the various peoples are condemned, mangling one another, to get all under the yoke. From Kossuth's