Toward a New Central Europe

Even if general principles of federalization are agreed upon, it is still necessary to clarify their application in special areas. Wilson"s Peace Points and the Atlantic Charter contain important general principles

172

but in absence of more detailed, specific agreements they were misinterpreted and therefore misapplied. In order to facilitate the application of the principles of federal democracy to specific areas, let us investigate the outstanding problems of Eastern Europe.

1.) Territorial problems and the extension of federation

A considerable divergence of opinion exists among the adherents of federalism concerning the territorial extension of federalization in Eastern Europe. Some are in favor of one single large federation comprising all nations and countries between Russia and Germany from the Baltic countries to Greece. This would be a federation between the Baltic, the Adriatic and the Black Sea and therefore sometimes called Intermaria. The advocate of this solution argue mostly from a military defensive standpoint and have a large federation in mind as a bulwark against Russian or German aggression.

Considerable numbers of politicians and scientists favor a Danubian Union without Poland and the Baltic countries but including Yugoslavia, Rumania and Bulgaria. Others again advocate a separate Balkan federation. The Danubian and Balkan federation have some historic precedence - one in the former dual Monarchy, the other in the loose Balkan Union before the last war.

Principally the number of participants in a federation is irrelevant. It is somewhat like a game in which the number of participants is not limited. A national or imperialistic state tries to expand its frontiers like monarchs and dynasties in former periods. The spirit of federalism is different. In 1919 Vorarlberg decided by plebiscite to join Switzerland. Switzerland did not accept the decision because it would have spoiled her good-neighbor policy with Austria.

The territorial extension of a federation should be decided on practical realistic grounds and not mere sentiments, transitory interests or negative motives alone. Such motives like anti-German or anti-Russian ones should not be the dominant elements.

The crucial point in deciding the territorial extension of the federation is a clarification of its purpose. Is the primary purpose a military defensive one or an economic union, a political-national, cultural or geographical- historical symbiosis?

If our federation is primarily military, its territory may be extended very far. We see that the Atlantic Pact comprises distant countries from Canada to Italy, Greece and Turkey. If the East European federation is to become primarily a military one, then it could be extended to the three oceans.

If, however, our purpose is more limited - for instance nationalistic - it is evident that our federation will be limited by our narrower purpose. For instance, if all the people of Yugoslavia should decide to form a single federation with the Bulgarian, it is evident that this

173

federation could not extend outside the area inhabited by the Southern Slavonic races.

If, however, the purpose for federation is economic, the interrelation of economic areas must be studied in order to find out the natural limits of our federation. In this case we must take into account, which areas form a marketing unit suitable for one customs union; which are the main lines of communication, the direction of trade and traffic; where are the main resources of raw materials and energy of industries and where are their consumers. Each motive should be investigated separately and a synthetic evaluation and appraisal arrived at.

The primary purpose of federalization in Eastern Europe is not military. Military security problems are dealt with on a much higher level than a regional federation. The greatest military powers are outside of Europe. Eastern Europe will contribute its share to world security when intraregional antagonism will not paralyze its efforts. Otherwise its restlessness will continue to endanger world peace like the Arab-Israel or Pakinstan-Kashmir-India antagonisms do. The causes of enmity must be removed and therefore we must look for other means of solution.

The primary object of federalization in Eastern Europe is to pacify the multinational area by spiritualizing the economic and political frontiers between closely interdependent areas. In many areas no correct national boundaries can be drawn. Any line which claims more than a borderline between two cantons or that between Maryland and Virginia will damage the vital interests of the population. Such an invisible state frontier existed between Austria and Hungary before 1918 with its obvious benefits. Both were independent states with different legal and internal structure, nevertheless absolutely free communication and trade was possible.

Our problem is how to have several partners within the federation instead of only two. But in determining how far the federation could be extended we must investigate which nations and areas form a close economic unit and which are conscious of their historic interdependence. If we enlarge the area of a close federation further than realistic facts warrant, difficulties may arise which cannot be met now. The average Greek or Bulgarian knows nothing of Vilna or Riga, nor do the Baltic states export or import essential goods to or from the Danubian area.

Any map of communication will show the main traffic lines run East-West or West-East like the Danube. Trade and traffic between the North and South have been less significant. The northern lines of the Carpathians cut the area into practically independent economic and historical spheres between which the connecting link is weak. The Danubian are was formed under the historical forces of the Habsburg and Turkish empires. Poland and the Baltic area between

174

the Prussian and Russian antagonism. The nationalities in the Danubian area are biologically interrelated i.e. neighboring nations and areas are interlinked by personal family ties and common historical, cultural heritage. Beside the same historical background, even the peasantry and folklore are mutually interwoven.(2)

All these factors must be carefully considered and scientifically studied before coming to final conclusions. If the centripetal forces are not strong enough, a federation cannot be successfully administered because the legislative bodies would consist of heterogeneous elements without a common platform. The Swiss and American federal unions were also formed out of heterogeneous areas with an intimate knowledge of each other"s common historical background.

For these reasons it would be best to begin with a Baltic-Polish federation north of the Carpathians, and the Danubian federation which also includes Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Rumania. Should the latter, however, prefer to form a Balkan federation together with Greece, a difficult problem would arise for the Slovenes, Croatians, Transylvanian Rumanians and the people of the Voivodina: to which federation, the Danubian or Balkan, should they belong? The solution could be found through plebiscites by zones but it would be wiser not to put the question this way thereby risking the partition of areas which should not belong to two different federations. Greece and Albania would fit better in a Mediterranean federation as their trade and interest has few connections with the Danubian basin.

Between the Baltic and Danubian federation the dividing line is clear though the two federations should be like the USA and Canada - two federations but in friendly alliance. An amalgamation of the two federations may be possible in the future but in Eastern Europe as a starting point, two separate federations are more realistic.

In the following pages we shall give an outline of a Danubian Federal Union for the formation of which the time will be ripe as soon as Russian domination of the area is over. The Polish-Baltic area is less known to the author and to the politicians of Danubian origin.

2.) Nations contemplated for a Danubian Federal Union.

The Danubian area in its strict sense plus Bohemia extends over a territory of 1,029,000 square kilometers with a population of 80 million:

175

These nations cannot be separated by national frontiers. The bulk of each nation lives in a certain area where it may form 75 to 98 percent of the total population but between the compact areas, large tracts of debated territories became the Eris apple for which the solid areas contended. The problem cannot be solved by force or by dictated terms. No politician, nor peace conference has the right to deprive the local population of expressing its natural human right to selfdetermination. Before a plebiscite is held in those debated areas, the interested population should be asked by plebiscite whether it wants a national state frontier which would cut the area up like the Paris peace treaties did, or do they prefer federal state frontiers as between two cantons or two states in Switzerland or in the USA

During a transitory period, national armed forces should occupy only those territories where one nation forms more than 75 per cent of the total population. The racially mixed and debated areas should be administered by international or neutral armed forces until a decision based on plebiscites is reached. To avoid misunderstandings, more detailed agreements are needed about the areas in question, the right to hold a plebiscite, the successive order in which they should be held and the composition of the neutral board of arbitration disinterested in local feuds. If the principle of federation is agreed on, such local plebiscites will settle the existing differences in the most harmonious way because the line chosen by plebiscite will form but an administrative, almost invisible frontier as existed between Austria and Hungary before 1918.

The problem of nationalism is the most burning one in the field of public education. Further below we recommend a solution according to which cultural affairs may be administered irrespective of state frontiers in the form of cultural autonomy and the State administration is relieved of the heavy burden of State-owned school systems. The Swiss school system of local community schools combined with educational and cultural autonomy is to be preferred to a State dominated school system which indoctrinates ephemeral political ideologies and is tempted to misuse political power in the schools.

Legal protection given to the rights of nationality should have federal sanctions guaranteed by the high authority of a supreme federal court specialized in the defense of national minorities.

3.) States of the Federation and their subdivision.

Nations will have their cultural autonomous organization irrespective of state frontiers see chapter below). Constituent members of the federation should be the following states: Austria, Czechia (Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia), Slovakia, Ruthenia, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Transylvania, Rumania, Bulgaria, Macedonia.

176

It is important however, to realize that these states should not be regarded as national states, entities where the predominant race has privileges at the expense of others. To avoid this misunderstanding such neutral names as Transylvania, Carpathia, Moravia, Transdanubia would eliminate the application of the erroneous principle "cuius natio, eius regio" which is as destructive as the principle of religious intolerance expressed in the Westphalian peace treaty: "cuius regio, eius religio." National intolerance and oppression can be banished only by divorcing administrative or state power from a dominant nationality.

For practical and historical reasons the commonly accepted names of states may continue. As the language of the administration will be practically adjusted to the needs and predominant language of the population, the state cannot avoid having a semblance of national character. Even in Switzerland we speak of French and German cantons The official language should not be overemphasized. It is not the language of administration in which a nation expresses itself but the language of literature, art, social and family life. The language of administration cannot and should not be in opposition to the local language spoken. Like the clever merchant beside good service to his customer tries to speak the language of the latter, so a good administrator in a mixed region will be successful if he accommodates himself to the situation. The contrary would cause national friction and opposition to an unpopular administration.

The usually over-centralized state administrative of Europe should disencumber itself by developing the local autonomies of counties, districts, townships and communities. Successful democracy and federalism is impossible without honest local autonomy at the base. In national states of Eastern Europe the cutting of the minorities by county and district lines into two or three parts to weaken them was a general practice, according to the rule "divide et impera." E.g. the Hungarians and Germans north of the Danube were united with the Serbs and Macedonians south of it. Prior to World War I the Saxon and Sekel regions of Transylvania were allotted to districts and counties that possessed compact Rumanian majorities. Such practices caused unnecessary suffering, national friction and bitterness. In a federal system practical administrative viewpoints lead to administrative divisions on practical lines, one of them being that language difficulties of the administration and the population can be better mastered if homogeneous and natural administrative units are formed according to the democratic wishes expressed by the local population.

It is self-evident that borderlines between states or other administrative units should be without customs, passport visas or other hindrances to the normal flow of persons and goods. This does not exclude the right of single states to regulate the permanent residence and employment of persons coming from other states.

177

As seat of the federal government no better site could be found than Bratislava-Pressburg-Pozsony, a middle-sized town lying between Austria, Hungary and Czechoslovakia on the shore of the Danube. It is easily accessible, centrally located between the German, Hungarian and Slav elements. In its population all the three are represented. During the Turkish occupation it was the capital of Hungary as now it is the capital of Slovakia and is predestined to play the Washington, DC role in the Danubian federation. Eventually, a new name like Metrodanubia or Centrodanubia could be found to replace the older ones.

Beside the legislative, executive and judiciary branches of the federal government, the capital would also have within its boundaries such institutes as a federal university, where the federal employees would receive their higher instruction in federal government. This university would also serve for the exchange of national cultures in the Danubian area, an intellectual clearing house for ideas and plans. A federal museum, archives, library, radio and television, etc. would serve the international relations.

C. Constitutional and organizational problems.

1.) Competence of the federal government: affairs in common.

The general rule should be to keep the affairs in common at a minimum. Especially at the beginning the federal administration should not be overburdened. Let as many affairs as possible remain in the competence of the states. The constitution should specify which affairs should fall within the competence of the federal government. The following are suggested:

1.) Federal currency, federal bank, federal finances and budget.

2.) Federal customs, tariff problems and income therefrom.

3.) Interstate commerce and communication.

4.) The administration and the institutions of Metrodanubia.

5. ) Federal Supreme Court.

6.) Foreign Affairs.

7.) Federal Defense Policy.

The last two items, though important, were purposely left at the end. Previously, e.g. in the Danubian Dual Monarchy of the Habsburgs, they were overemphasized and misused as instruments of imperialism. The area between Russia and Germany should be neutralized like Switzerland, though membership in the United Nations would involve international responsibility and share in the United Nations peace keeping activities.

178

Paragraphs 18-20 of the Swiss Constitution regulating state and federal military powers could be adopted with only slight changes. Military experts should decide which types of armaments should be exclusively in possession of the federal army.

While the affairs in common should be kept at a minimum, the number of those affairs administered by the individual states in common consent or special agreement with the others should be at a maximum.

Agriculture, industry, commerce, civil and penal law, police, tax and credit system, census and statistical service, etc. should be left in the competence of the individual states though a maximum number of agreements should be concluded between the states. These should be either: 1.) voluntary, 2.) obligatory.

1.) Voluntary agreements may be concluded between two or more states concerning the same methods, procedures or administrative systems, for instance in health or veterinary administration, regulation of cartels, insurance, consumption taxes, power plants, etc.

2. ) Agreements may be made compulsory only by the federal legislature and after ratification by two-thirds of the states. Such agreements may be enforced by federal courts.

Among the latter we may mention the unification of statistical methods throughout the whole area of the federation, though the execution would remain within the competence of the individual states. The national income statistics should be prepared also by a unified method under the supervision of the federal government because the quotas of individual states would be determined on the basis of national income statistics.

In this way the competence of the federal government and that of the states would be clearly defined under the safeguarding of the federal courts.

A Bill of Rights for individuals and minorities should be included in the federal constitution and placed under the protection of the federal courts. Neither the federation nor the states should have power to interfere with religion or church affairs. The separation of church and state and their institutions should be complete but in a friendly spirit. Articles 49 to 51 of the Swiss constitution on religious affairs could be adopted with only slight changes.

About the relation of public education to state and federal powers we shall speak later in the chapter about national-cultural autonomies.

2.) Composition of the federal government.

Federal government consists of the legislative, executive and judicial powers, well separated and with the necessary checks and balances. Any two of these restrain the third if it goes beyond its competence. The Cabinet would not constitute the "government" but

179

is simply the "executive", separated from the legislature, firmly established for a number of years like the American president. The difference would be that instead of one head there would be seven or nine executives libe the Swiss federation possesses. Members of the Cabinet may participate in the discussions of the legislative bodies but are without vote. They would be chosen for a fixed period of time during which they could not be removed except by impeachment.

a.) Legislature would consist of the federal

House of Representatives (300-400 members)

The Senate (33 members)

Legislative committees and subcommittees (see below).

The federal House of Representatives would be elected in proportion to the population. Each member state determines its own rules of election. If we count one representative for two hundred thousand of the population the House would consist of 380 members, elected for two years but each year one-third of the total membership changes - if not reelected.

The House of Representatives of the Danubian Federation would be drawn from all nationalities. Though language difficulties may be eliminated by modern techniques it seems necessary to limit the competence of the House to the fundamental rights of parliamentarism i.e., the yearly budget, taxation and federal incomes, finances and the election of the executive Cabinet (Council) members. The enactment of other federal laws would not fall within the competence of the House though it could initiate laws. The laws would be prepared by legislative committees elected and composed by the House of Representatives.

Legislative committees would consist not only of members of the House but experts of the economic and cultural life selected from professional organizations such as the Chambers of Commerce. of Agriculture, Trade Unions, universities and lawyers, etc. With respect to the limited competence of the Danubian federation, three legislative committees would suffice: A.) Economic and Financial Committee. B.) Committee for Constitutional and Legal Affairs. C.) Committees for National Cultural Affairs. These legislative committees would form special subcommittees for special tasks assigned, for instance, an Interstate Electrical Power subcommittee. The subcommittees would prepare the special laws and act for the above legislative committees. If accepted by the latter it could go directly to the Senate. This procedure would ensure a due share of influence by the experts during the period of formation of the laws. The House would have the right to initiate new laws or propose amendments to existing ones but they would not come up for discussion in plenary session. This would simplify and improve the legislative procedure and instead of lobby

180

groups would enable the experts to take part in the preparatory work of legislation. A multinational House of Representatives would be too ponderous to handle all legislation in plenary session.

For enactment of international treaties and all affairs of military concern, and for foreign affairs, i.e., all rights of federal sovereignty, the Senate would have competence.

The Federal Senate should fulfill a role similar to that which the American fathers of the Constitution originally assigned to the American Senate, consisting at the time of only 26 members. Beside being the Second or Upper House of Legislature, it is the highest consultative and deciding body in matters of foreign policy, international relations, defense policy and highest sovereign rights. Its membership should be kept small for efficient handling of its affairs and in almost continuous session.

The Senate of the Danubian Federation should consist of about 30 to 40 members representing all regions of the federation, somewhat like the following:

Austrian senators: 5 ( I Upper, 1 Lower Austria, 1 Steiermark, 1 Karnten, 1 Tyrol, 1 Vorarlberg).

Northern Slav senators: 6 (2 Bohemia, 1 Moravia, 1 West Slovakia, 1 East Slovakia, 1 Ruthenia).

Hungarian senators: 6 (2 Trans-Danubia, 1 Central Plain-Lowland, 1 East of the Tisza, 1 North Hungary, 1 Hungarian from Transylvania) .

Rumanian senators: 6 (2 Moldavia, 2 Muntenia, 2 Transylvanian Rumanian ) .

Southern Slav senators: 9 (1 Slovenia, 2 Croatia, 1 Bosnia-Herzegovina, 2 Serbia, 1 Macedonia, 2 Bulgaria).

Other nationality: 1 (from Voivodina and Banat may be Slav, Hungarian, German, Rumanian, etc.).

Total number of senators: 33.

It should be remembered that senators don"t represent nations but regions of the federation and act accordingly in the spirit of federation. The composition of the national proportions may be somewhat different from the above tentative proposal, for instance, a Moslem could be chosen from Bosnia, etc. The total number of senators could also be changed even to the double of the above. A lower number is, however, obviously more practical in a multinational area. Instead of doubling the number, vice or assistant senators could be elected who could replace them in case of absence.

The senate nominates the candidates for membership in the Cabinet (Federal Council) which are elected by the House for a fixed period.

b.) Executive power is in the hands of the Federal Council which consists of 7 or 9 members elected by the House for 4 years - twice

181

renewable. It would act as the Federal Council (Conseil federal) of the Swiss Constitution (Art. 95-104). The president of the Council is appointed yearly by the House or may rotate.

Full permanent membership in the Council would be given to the states of Austria, Czechia, Hungary, Rumania, Serbia, and Bulgaria. Smaller states would have half membership i.e., chosen for two years only. Members of the Federal Council are responsible for the execution of federal laws, for the branches of federal administration and for all federal institutions. The staff of the federal offices is appointed by a federal council with regard to fair quotas for all nationalities. High appointments are subject to confirmation of the Senate.

c.) Judicial powers are represented by the federal courts headed by the Supreme Federal Court which should have the power to annul unconstitutional laws and ordinances. A special section of this would exist for federal protection of minority rights assisted by special institutes for scientific fact finding in the field of minority problems. Such impartial federal authority under the direction of the federal Supreme Court is necessary, and would eliminate or arbitrate doubtful cases by studying them impartially on the spot.

3.) National corporations for cultural autonomy.

The relation of educational systems to public power in Eastern Europe became enemy No. 1 of the cultural development of the individual. Before the rise of nationalism, schools were in the hands of the churches. Though education was limited to a proportionately small strata of the population, the educational institutions of the churches did excellent work in this field. After the rise of nationalism, the state system took over the schools. The same nations which as minorities protested against the invasion by the state school system of their own autonomous church schools (Rumanians, Slovaks, Serbians, etc. in old Hungary) applied the same methods of educational etatism when they came into power. Abolition of autonomous church schools was accomplished sometimes at one stroke, as in Yugoslavia in 1921, or gradually as in other states. After the nationalization of the complete school system a second wave of red propaganda swept over the entire system. Pupils, parents and teachers were and are helpless before the state-assisted indoctrination of national and Communist-atheist class war policies.

In a multi-national area it is pernicious to attach the school system to changing political powers. In the national revolutionary states, not even the universities, Academies of Sciences and Arts kept their cultural autonomy. Consequently the independence of scientific research and criticism has vanished in the national and revolutionary states. No Thomas Masaryk or Ady could criticize the hypernationalism or totalitarianism of his own countrymen or politicians in power now.

182

A completely new arrangement must be found to secure the national and individual cultural rights and autonomies in an East European federation. The community school (township) in Switzerland is the basic school type, in which the parents have a deciding share. It is better than the rigid state system which served the purposes of denationalization of the minorities, as was so frequently the case in Eastern Europe. The states should not have more power than to fix the standards of compulsory education, sanitary conditions and the supervision of their execution. The elementary schools should be community owned with the language of the parents" choice.

Schools and educational institutions of each nationality, irrespective of state or administrative frontiers should form a cultural entity: a national corporation for cultural autonomy operating irrespective of state frontiers - similar to a church organization. Officials of the national cultural corporation should be teachers and professors. Therefore the organization would extend into all communities and villages where members of the respective nationalities live. The Austrian Renner was the first to propose such a non-territorial organization of the nations in the Danubian area based on the personal membership of individuals. Between the two world wars, a similar system was established in Estonia called "cultural autonomy" and was quite successful. The existence of such an organization in the Danubian area would mean that neither the state nor the federal government would posses a Ministry of Public Education but only an office to supervise the educational standards. Each nation would have a Minister of Education, the elected president of the national cultural organization whose power would extend across state frontiers to the farthest village where members of the same nationality live.

The national corporations for cultural autonomy should be entrusted with the higher institutions for science, art, radio, television, film, folklore, literature, including the universities, academies of sciences, literary organizations, etc. Each national corporation would possess its own constitution chartered by the federal government on similar grounds. Within this cultural constitution the corporation would possess legislative power over its own cultural affairs, executive power to carry them out. Teachers and professors, artists and writers of the same nationality would possess their own associations within this corporation wherein they would have protection from state interference.

Conclusions and the future

We have shown in the previous pages that the formation of a federation in Eastern Europe is necessary, possible and realistic. Principles couched in general and vague terms like the Wilsonian points, the Atlantic Charter or other pronouncements about liberation of

183

Eastern Europe are insufficient. A realistic application must be worked out before action is taken. We have therefore given a more detailed proposal for further discussion and clarification. We may be sure that Kossuth, Palacky, Masaryk, Hodza, Radic, President Wilson would approve such pacification by federalist agreements. They would also give hope that, after the present vicious system, instead of renewed outbursts of confused nationalism, a constitutional order of federated nationalism would secure a permanent peace.

There are about five million immigrants having brothers and sisters, parents and relatives in Eastern Europe. These Americans are anxious to see a peaceful system established in their former homeland and look for an elimination of existing antagonism between the representatives of those nations. They know the best form of pacification is constitutional federal self-government instead of chaotic national-revolutionary democracy or democratorship that ends in violence.

The Passion Week of 1301 saw in Constanza a remarkable event. The emperor, Henry III, went to the pulpit and turning to all sides proclaimed a Treuga Dei (God"s Peace), forgiving all offenses committed against him and inviting all to do likewise. The national representatives of Eastern Europe could profitably to the same. For God"s Peace in our day there is no better platform than federalism (foedus, the Latin word meanings peace pact is connected with the word fides - faith ) .

In the eighties of the last century Crown Prince Rudolph, the only son and heir to Emperor Francis Joseph began the publication of a voluminous scientific description of the lands and peoples of the former Dual Monarchy in 18 volumes with the collaboration of best available scholars and writers. What a rich variety of nations, natural resources, mountains and lowlands, culture and possibilities! At the time much was yet undiscovered, petroleum fields and coal mines, electric energy and folklore of the peasantry. In the presence of so much richness, Crown Prince Rudolph committed suicide. Likewise did the whole Danubian area of nations commit political suicide. Its life and hopes for a better future are not lost. After discovery of the main errors the rebirth may be found, a better life organized in the spirit of free federal self-government. Plans in this direction should be further elaborated in a scientific way and possible divergencies eliminated with the help of neutral American, Swiss, Canadian and other aid.

(1) See the author"s article: "From Kossuth"s Unknown Federalist Papers".

(2) This essay was first published in 1951 in the review Uj Magyar Ut, Washington, DC since this year Poland"s economic life and resources have been brought in closer contact with the Danubian area, especially with Czechoslovakia

184

and Hungary ("Intermetall," etc.). This should be carefully considered. Morphologically, however, Poland and the Baltic States still form a quite distinctively separate area.

The fact that the foreign trade of the East European countries is linked at present up to 30-45 per cent with the Soviet Union, and that the latter furnishes important raw materials ("Friendship,"-oil pipe line, iron ore, cotton, etc.), and is also an important buyer of goods, does not involve the necessity that the Soviet Union should be included into a single East European Federation. An independent Danubian Federation will be able to trade on better term with East and West than a fragmented and economically not fully developed area.

Once - it is hoped - also the Soviet Union will be a truly democratic federation, and not a Pan-Russian imperialistic pseudo-federation. In this case friendship and mutual economic relations of the neighboring federation could be as excellent as the economic relations between Canada and the United States.

185

---

Toward a New Central Europe