COUNT JANOS ESTERHAZY

From here on, events began to move much faster. Following the rejection by Sidor, the Germans invited Tiso to Berlin. There is a detailed account of that meeting in Part One. What happened, in effect, was that Slovakia seceded from Czechoslovakia and declared its independence. On March 14, 1939, the Slovak parliament gave its unanimous approval. Hungary and Poland recognized Slovakia's independence the very next day. Later, under rather dramatic circumstances, the German leaders persuaded Tiso to conclude a defense treaty with Germany. Tiso signed the treaty on March 18 and the Slovak parliament took due note of it.

Slovakia accomplished at last what its "brother" Czechs had promised and failed to deliver, that is to say, autonomy within the Czechoslovak Republic, and much more than that, independence for Slovakia, although it was granted not by the Czechs but came about with the support and under the "guardianship" of the German Empire. This had suited the German interests no less than the Hungarian military occupation of Subcarpathian Ruthenia, which was also about to take place. With the declaration of Slovakia's independence, the Slovak struggle for autonomy and independence entered a new chapter.

Before we examine this period which was very important for the struggles of the Hungarians also, it is time to take a look at the conditions of the Hungarians who had remained in Slovakia, and the activities of Janos Esterhazy.

The first item on Esterhazy's agenda in 1939 was to act on the old wish of the Hungarians in Slovakia, the establishment of Hungarian

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Houses. He knew all too well how important this was in order to gather together and better utilize the Hungarian forces, and also to promote their economic wellbeing.

On January 1, 1939, Esterhazy issued an appeal to the Hungarians in Slovakia. It said, among others: "Let us build a Hungarian House in Pozsony, first of all. Let us build then Hungarian Houses in Nyitra, Nagyszombat, Eperjes, Iglo -- in every town or near towns where Hungarians live in sizeable numbers. The Hungarian House of Pozsony should be built before the end of 1939. *⁴⁴⁴

On January 8, 1939, Janos Esterhazy registered a forceful protest against the treacherous attack on Munkacs, mentioned earlier. *⁴⁴⁵

The Executive Committee of the United Hungarian Party met for the first time since the Vienna Decision on January 19, 1939. Janos Esterhazy expressed his warmest thanks to the Hungarians from Czechoslovakia who have been returned to Hungary. He turned first of all, to "the brethren who have gone back to the motherland, thanking them for their faithful perseverance through 20 years of adversity...

"We shall never forget that, whether they were intellectuals or blue-collar workers struggling through two decades of oppression, in towns and villages, through all the hardships of minority life they have loyalty to the Hungarian language and the Hungarian land, nurtured their Hungarian consciousness, and tolerated no blemish on the Hungaian honor. It gives us satisfaction if they are now able to enjoy the fruits of their long suffering...

"The classification into second or third class citizenship must cease, Esterhazy said. And he emphasized that just as in the past, the Slovaks will continue to be able to count on him in the future, as well. * ⁴⁴⁶

On January 27, 1939, Esterhazy met with Tiso to discuss the question of discharged workers and trade union matters. On the same day, he sent a telegram to the President of the republic regarding the dissolution of the Subcarpathian Ruthenia branch of the United Hungarian Party. On the 28th, he visited Saros and Zemplen. *⁴⁴⁷ On February 8, he spoke over the Budapest radio about the Hungarian Houses in Slovakia, emphasizing that "today, ten times fewer Hungarians must maintain the concept of the Hungarian nation in Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia." *⁴⁴⁸

An extraordinary episode worth noting was the encounter in Pozsony between Janos Esterhazy and Czechoslovak General Viest.

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Esterhazy had known the general from the Komarom negotiations. On March 15, 1939, he spotted the general in the Cafe of the Hotel Carlton. The general wore civilian clothes and appeared to be very dejected. With a friendly gesture, Esterhazy invited him to his table. They were talking for a good while about Hitler's aggression and the general confided in Esterhazy that he was organizing the resistance and soon he would be going to London to see Benes who, the general was certain, would take charge of the resistance movement.

Esterhazy knew that the Germans would not permit the general to leave. He assured therefore the general that he would help him go through Hungary. Esterhazy did so because was convinced that the small nations must join forces against Hitler's imperialism.

In addition to General Viest, Esterhazy saved many Czech patriots from the Gestapo by arranging for them to cross the border and travel through Hungary and Yugoslavia on their way to London.

Esterhazy gave an interview the Uj Hirek newspaper about the sitation in Subcarpathian Ruthenia. He said, "Since Volosin came to power, he has been systematically suppressing the Hungarians of Subcarpathian Ruthenia and has demonstrated such a lack of understanding regarding the most basic rights of the national minorities that as long as he stays in power, or at least until the Hungarian grievances are rectified, Volosin can look forward to nothing but a total lack of confidence on the part of the Hungarians in Subcarpathian Ruthenia.

"I will find a way," Esterhazy continued, "to prove before an international forum how the Hungarian population of Subcarpathian Ruthenia is being treated by a Prime Minister who has managed to garner only 7,000 votes at the peak of his career." *⁴⁴⁹

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On February 28, 1939, the Budapest newspaper Magyar Nemzet paid a glowing tribute to Esterhazy. The paper wrote, among others: "Those who are the most familiar with the events and movements of the Highlands in the last 20 years know very well the deeds of Count Janos Esterhazy in the defense of Hungarian justice during the mad binge of Czech tyranny. The entire national Christian public opinion knew that Janos Esterhazy would have been completely within his rights to accept the honorable offer which had been extended to him from the highest official places. By remaining and continuing to fight in the 'lion's den,' he has demonstrated and continues to do so with the greatest eloquence that he is imbued to the marrow of his bones with the motto of the ancient poet, 'The Fatherland above all else!' His entire psyche is totally apart from the self-serving patriotism of the loudmouths with their eternal toasts and noisy celebrations. Instead of the comfort of a velvet seat in the cabinet room he chose the tribulations of the thorny path until he reaches the final triumph of his nation's cause." *⁴⁵⁰

In response to an article, entitled 'False Auslehnungen,' by Sudeten German Deputy Karmasin in the February 26 edition of the newspaper Grenzbote, Esterhazy reminded the author of the followmg: "The first permanent, organized state in this land was established first of all by St.Stephen and the other kings of the Arpad Dynasty, amidst, and in spite of invasions from East and West. And through the centuries, iron and blood have forged the community of nations in the lap of the Carpathians.'*⁴⁵¹

With regard to the declaration of Slovakia's independence, Esterhazy told the Uj Hirek newspaper, "I deem it necessary to state that the Hungarians living in Slovakia have been greatly pleased over the Slovak declaration of independence... I am sure that now, as it guides its country's destiny truly on its own, the Slovak government will show understanding toward Slovakia's Hungarian

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population and its just demands. I believe the results of that understanding will benefit both sides... Let everybody, to the best of their abilities, support the newly independent Slovak nation." *⁴⁵²

Radio Pozsony, in its Hungarian program on March 20, broadcast Janos Esterhazy's festive proclamation to the Hungarians on the occassion of the establishment of the independent Slovak state. He greeted the Slovak sister nation and outlined the tasks of the Hungarians within the framework of the new state. "We live in historic times," he said, "with events moving around us at speeds almost beyond the comprehension of the human brain.

"In these historic times I find it necessary to make direct contact with Hungarians wherever they may live in Slovakia, with the Hungarians of Pozsony and its environment, with my Hungarian brethren living in the linguistic islands of Nyitra and its vicinity, with my kins who have preserved their Hungarian identity in the diaspora of Central, North and East Slovakia.

"I must speak to you, Hungarian Brethren because those of us who have remained behind constitute an inseparable family... What we were unable to accomplish over 20 years with a centralist Czechoslovak regime, we will obtain without any pressure from the responsible leaders of the independent Slovak state who are imbued with the greatest goodwill toward the Hungarians. They have told me so repeatedly, I have their assurances.

"The Czechoslovak Republic was created by the dictate of the Paris peace treaties. These peace treaties were inspired by individuals whose hearts have not been permeated by Christian brotherly love.

The Czechoslovak Republic, created by the Paris peace treaties, have thrown us Hungarians under the greatest oppression and, along with us, they have also driven our Slovak brother nation under the yoke of Czechoslovak rule. Part of the shackles placed on us Hungarians were broken on November 2, 1938. The Slovaks got rid of their shackles on the Ides of March, 1939, when they declared their independence.

I am convinced that the Slovak government is fully determined to maintain the most friendly relationship with its neighboring states. Therefore, it will avoid the error which became the downfall of the foreign policies of Benes. He was friendly with the Soviets, he was friendly with the French, he was friendly with faraway nations, but he failed to come to terms with his immediate neighbors, the Hungarians, the Germans and the Poles. The

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German occupation of Prague served as the closing curtain for this faulty foreign policy.

Hungary and the Hungarians living in Slovakia have been always pleased over the efforts to gain freedom for the Slovak people and have been happy to welcome Slovakia's independence. 1 wanted to bring this to the attention of my Hungarian brethren on the eve of the day when every community in Slovakia is about to celebrate its independence." *⁴⁵³

In his Easter message of 1939, Esterhazy told the Slovaks once again that "I have often volunteered for constructive work with the greatest sincerity on behalf of the Hungarians living here. In this respect, I would like to recall the statements I have made on behalf of the Hungarians before the first Slovak parliamentary elections of 1938, and most recently, on March 18, 1939 when, again on behalf of the Hungarians, I spoke out in support of the declaration of Slovakia's independence and called on my Hungarian brethren to work to the best of their abilities for the independent Slovakia. Thus, with the greatest sincerity, we have publicly declared our determination to work with and assist our Slovak brethren." *⁴⁵⁴

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Meanwhile, the long-festering problem of Subcarpathian Ruthenia has been also resolved. As we have noted, the events in Slovakia had brought about a change in Germany's previous position on Subcarpathian Ruthenia and the German government gave Hungary a free hand to achieve its political goals. There was some sympathy among the Western powers also toward Hungary's goals in Subcarpathian Ruthenia because both Slovakia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia have become tools of the German interests. By transferring the latter to Hungary, it could be prevented from having the same fate as Slovakia. At the same time, the common Hungarian-Polish border could be also realized -- something that seemed desirable for the Western powers concerned about the German expansionism. *⁴⁵⁵

As we have mentioned before, on March 12, Hitler personally told the Hungarian Minister in Berlin that Hungary had 24 hours to resolve the Ruthenian question. On March 14, there were border incidents at Munkacs and Ungvar, and on March 15, units of the Hungarian army started marching into Subcarpathian Ruthenia. There was sporadic resistance by the so-called Szics Guard but, the Germans having refuse to defend the Volosin government as it had requested, the Hungarian army reached the Polish border in a short time. * ⁴⁵⁶

The national leadership of the United Hungarian Party met on May 12 in Pozsony. Janos Esterhazy gave a major speech. He said, among others: "First of all, I must register the good news that last March Hungary regained Subcarpathian Ruthenia, fulfilling a longstanding desire for a common Hungarian-Polish border. In the extraordinarily eventful month of March, Slovakia became independent amidst revolutionary circumstances. On behalf of the Hungarian minority, with full candor and sincerity, I offered our constructive contribution. Unfortunately, our sincere goodwill was either not understood or has been misunderstood in certain circles. I can find no

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other explanation for the substantial deterioration of our condition in every respect since last March.

Let it suffice for me to point out that since it became independent, Slovakia has banned the newspaper Uj Hirek, prohibited the activities of the Hungarian Cultural Association of Slovakia, and the ban on assemblies still continues. On top of that a number of very important petitions we have submitted have not been acted on for several months, even though they pertain only to purely social and cultural matters. Most recently, the government's failure to pay pensions had the greatest impact on large numbers of Hungarian families for whom the small pension is the only source of income.

"I want to emphasize again that we and the Slovaks have our roots in the same soil. It was not power play but rather the forces of nature, economics, geopolitics and the like which have forged common bonds between Slovaks and Hungarians. The souls of the Hungarian and Slovak peoples can and must be brought into harmony because we share so much of a common spirit. If Hungarian and Slovak turn against one another, both will suffer for it. Any attempt to break up the spiritual and economic bonds of interdependence among the peoples in the Carpathian Basin would run counter to nature and is doomed to failure. It goes without saying that this is true of the relationship between the Hungarians and Slovaks also.

We should have learned from our history that nobody can escape Divine justice, even if he has managed to avoid human justice. We should have learned also that causes which have martyrs will triumph. *⁴⁵⁷

Several major events had taken place in the international arena also. Prompted by the ever greater German pressure on Poland, a mutual assistance agreement was concluded on April 6, 1939, between Great Britain and Poland. France ratified a French-Polish treaty. On April 13, Great Britain and France concluded economic agreements with Greece and Rumania.

In view of the growing German pressure on Poland, Hungary was trying to conduct its foreign arfairs with the goal of staying out of the war. It wanted to maintain its armed neutrality in the event of a war between Germany and Poland, which was expected to come at the end of August, 1939. Accordingly, Prime Minister Teleki declared in letters to Hitler and Mussolini that unless there is a major change in circumstances, "Hungary is not in the moral position to enter hostilities against Poland.' Berlin, naturally, was outraged

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over Teleki's letters. On August 8, Hitler and Ribbentrop received Hungarian Foreign Minister Csaky in Berchtesgaden. Hitler reproached Csaky over the letters. Csaky had to promise that the letters would be withdrawn. The letters were withdrawn, as promised.

The signing of a German-Soviet Non-Aggression pact on August 23, 1939, was another highly significant event. The new situation it had created raised the specter of a confrontation between Germany and the Western powers as the result of a German-Polish war. Teleki sent a secret message to Halifax, assuring him that Hungary will not support Germany against Poland and wishes to remain neutral.

On September 1, 1939, Germany invaded Poland and on September 3, Great Britain and and France declared war on Germany.

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Returning to the situation in Slovakia, Janos Esterhazy who has always had the destiny of the Hungarian youth on his heart, announced the results of the Hungarian fund raising in Pozsony. The sum of 122,000 Crowns that was raised exceeded all expectations. Esterhazy expressed his gratitude in the Uj Hirek newspaper. *⁴⁵⁸

Esterhazy told the Felvideki Magyar Hirlap newspaper about the indefinite postponement of the Slovak-Hungarian economic negotiations scheduled for July 26. He said he had urged the Hungarian government repeatedly to get these much needed talks underway as soon as possible. However, he has just been informed by Foreign Minister Csaky in Budapest that the negotiations had to be postponed because "increasingly strong anti-Hungarian sentiments that have been voiced in recent weeks at various rallies and celebrations which were broadcast by the Slovak radio, most recently in Kistapolcsany... It is the position of the Hungarian government that the success of the economy talks should not be endangered by holding them in an atmosphere heavy with political tension."

Esterhazy added: "We hope the Slovak government will take the most forceful steps to curb developments which tend to raise obstacles to the conclusion of an economic agreement. *⁴⁵⁹

On July26, Janos Esterhazy declared in Parliament: "We expect a new spirit in the new administrative law. *⁴⁶⁰

Sandor Petho, Editor in Chief of the Budapest newspaper Magyar Nemzet, spent his vacation in the High Tatra Mountains and that gave him a chance to study the conditions in Slovakia at some length. Commenting on the wonderful unity of the Hungarians, Petho concluded that the unity rests on the unprecedented and unlimited trust felt by young and old, intellectual and farmer, artisan and urban dweller, toward the leader they have chosen. "The persona of Janos Esterhazy is truly providential," Petho wrote.

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"I watched a meal of 300 children from Hungarian poor families, who were vacationing in the Tatra. I exchanged only a few words with the dedicated teachers from Pozsony who were supervising this happy crowd of youngsters. I must confess that I have never felt the unbearable pain and happy pride of my Hungarian identity as I did in the midst of little people in whose souls the sacred flame of Hungarian consciousness is being nurtured by these tender and noble-hearted women, many of whom have already paid a heavy price for being Hungarian. To these people, the name Esterhazy represents the Hungarian nation itself, the parental home, the protective power, the ultimate shelter." *⁴⁶¹

On September 7, Uj Hirek printed a request by Janos Esterhazy, calling on Hungarian women and girls to help those who through no fault of their own have fallen into poverty. He asked that the women, in cooperation with the United Hungarian Party, seek out every opportunity, official or unofficial, to participate in programs, such as nursing the sick or helping alleviate hardships caused by the hostilities.*⁴⁶² His appeal was well received by the Hungarian women.

In early September, the Magyar Nemzet of Budapest reported that Janos Esterhazy has been placed under police surveillance, along with Artur Polnisch, leader of the Hungarians in the Szepes district. Andor Nietzsch, a former German Deputy of the Hungarian Party was jailed. The paper wrote of Esterhazy: "We do not need to explain to anyone what the person of Janos Esterhazy has meant to the Hungarians of Slovakia: his matchless energy, his uncommon courage, his sincerity, his tactful skill to bring into harmony the universal Hungarian goals with the unique interests of the peoples of the Highlands, his views rooted in the noblest ancient Hungarian political traditions, as well as his day-to-day activities -- all these characteristics have predestined him to be the chosen leader of Hungarians of the Highlands." *⁴⁶³

The relations between Hungary and Germany became increasingly tense because of the growing German diplomatic pressure for permission by the Hungarian government to open up a front along the common Hungarian-Polish border for the German war on Poland. On September 9, Ribbentrop called Csaky on the phone, asking for the use of the railroad line to Kassa to transport German troops. Next day, Prime Minister Teleki moved in the Council of Ministers that the German request be denied. On Ribbentrop's repeated request, permission was granted to ship war materiel only, under strictly defined conditions. This did not assuage the resentment of Hitler and

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the other German leaders toward the Hungarians. As Ciano noted in his Diary, "Some day, the Hungarians will have to pay for this."

Meanwhile, through its envoys in London and Paris, the Hungarian government was engaged in intense diplomatic activity to counter the plans of Benes and Hodia for Czechoslovakia's postwar future. The country's independence and the restoration of its borders were in the focus of these plans. The two Western governments have shown a degree of understanding.

On September 24, 1939, diplomatic relations were restored between the Soviet Union and Hungary.

The economic and trade negotiations which began on October 11 in Budapest, helped raise hopes of improvement in Hungarian-Slovak relations. Janos Esterhazy said, "I am facing the near-future with confidence because, as I see it, the ice has broken, the ice which has prevented the leaders and the public opinion of the two countries from becoming better acquainted with each other. Our attitude toward the Slovak state has been positive from the first moment. Even though I cannot say that our condition has improved in the past year, in some respects it has become worse, it has not discouraged me for one minute. I would like to believe that the pending questions will be soon resolved and the Hungarians of Slovakia will be able to nourish their language and culture and take care of their social problems without any hindrance. With that and with their sincere goodwill, they will contribute to the constructive labors for which they have volunteered from the moment the independence of Slovakia has been established." *⁴⁶⁴

Dr. Josef Tiso the new president of Slovakia took his oath of office on October 26. He rode to the presidential palace in a four-horse carriage, followed by automobiles carrying Dr. Tuka, the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior, Foreign Minister Durcansky, War Minister Catlos, army commander and propaganda chief Alexander Mach and other leading personalities. The end of the motorcade was brought up by Dr. Kirschbaum, General Secretary of the Hlinka Party. Next to him sat Dr. Murin, the secretary to the president.

President Tiso received greetings in the presidential palace. Janos Esterhazy was also present, accompanied by several others. He said, among others: "The Hungarians of Slovakia fully share the joy and happiness which fills the heart of every Slovak this day when, for the first time, they may behold a son of their independent and free

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nation as their chief of state. We, Hungarians in Slovakia, come this day with respect and trust to your presence, Mr. President, to express the emotions accumulated in our hearts with manly candor and openness. May I be permitted to hope that in your person, Mr. President, the Hungarians of Slovakia will find that well-intentioned and just supreme forum which will assure full equality to all Slovak citizens of Hungarian nationality within the boundaries of this country."

Hitler sent Dr. Tiso the highest German decoration, the Grand Cross of the Order of the Eagle. *⁴⁶⁵

On October 28, Janos Esterhazy discussed presidential elections in a broadcast on Pozsony radio. He recalled his 1935 talks with Benes in Prague before the presidential election, when Benes made many substantive promises to the Hungarian leaders. Even though the Hungarians had cast their votes for Benes, subsequently he refused even to hear about his promises. This time there were no such talks before the election, said Esterhazy.

"It is not necessary to enumerate facts and figures to show that especially in recent times, the fate of the small states, small peoples and small nations has been threatened more than once by assorted difficulties and dangers. On their own, no matter what virtues thay may possess, they are too weak to wrestle with the burden of adversity. This is the time, if ever, when we must strengthen the solidarity, derived from the interdependence of small nations, without which more than one precious element of our national identity may be lost forever.

"I have had this always in mind, I have always worked toward this end and if I have been misunderstood, if I had obstacles thrown in my way, if I have been attacked, it does not matter because I am convinced that I have been right. It is in our mutual interest with the Slovaks to develop harmonious cooperation within the boundaries of the state, as well as among all the nations of the Danubian Basin, which would provide peaceful living and the pursuit of happiness for all, including the smallest." *⁴⁶⁶

On November 28, 1939, Janos Esterhazy delivered a speech, more than an hour long, in the parliamentary debate of the Tuka government's program. He gave a detailed, comprehensive overview of the current condition of the Hungarians in Slovakia. The speech was a panoramic view of the various grievances, complaints. demands and hopes.

The theme of Esterhazy's address was constructive cooperation and that is why he discussed in detail all the phenomena which

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hinder the development of a sense of trust and satisfaction. He noted the need for realism in politics, as well as in everyday life. And he discussed the relationship between the various nationalities and the Slovak national state.

"I am concerned," Esterhazy said, "over the great attention that is being paid to the concept of the 'national state.' Experience has taught us about the practical consequences of pursuing that concept. We must see to it that we do not repeat the experience of the last 20 years, which gave rise to so much bitterness, dissatisfaction and complaints, that the sons of the Slovak nation would become the first class citizens, with members of the other nationalities relegated to second or third class citizenship. I would hope, Mr. Prime Minister, that you will dispel this concern of mine in the course of this debate."

Esterhazy also touched upon the anticipated new laws. He noted the absence of proposed legislation to secure individual freedom, equality, equal treatment by the law, freedom of press, as well as failure to define and secure the rights of the nationalities. He mentioned that the use of the Hungarian language has been severely restricted. Equal language rights are non-existent. There is still in force a decree requiring government employees not to speak in Hungarian even in their private lives and social contacts. It is virtually impossible for a Hungarian to obtain public office and he risks dismissal if he continues to maintain his Hungarian identity. There are confidential decrees and instructions providing for "gentle" pressure toward this end.

Hungarian workers, Esterhazy continued, no matter where they may be employed, face the greatest uncertainty. Firings are the order of the day and if their official residence is in the territories which have been returned to Hungary, they also face the threat of expulsion.

"I hope this is not the first step toward a population transfer or an attempt to do so," said Esterhazy, adding: "I must state, sine ira et studio that the economic condition of the Hungarian minority is worse off today than it was under Czechoslovak rule. Where are the Hungarian factories? Where are the Hungarian factory owners? Is there any Hungarian manufacturer left?" he asked. The Hungarians of Slovakia, Esterhazy continued, "are being squeezed out systematically from all areas of the economy, things have deteriorated so badly."

There are many strange things going, Esterhazy concluded and raised the question: "What good is being derived from all of this?

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After all, with a little goodwill, the lot of the Hungarians could be improved easily, even in the spirit of reciprocity," he added. *⁴⁶⁷

On December 23, Janos Esterhazy delivered a major address in the budget debate in parliament. The speech was widely reported not only in the Hungarian press but in Slovak, German and Austrian papers also. The German-language Grenzbote of Pozsony featured the passage dealing with reciprocity. The Neues Wiener Tagblatt of Vienna cited the efforts aimed at Hungarian-Slovak rapprochement. The Slovak press and the Budapest papers also reported about the speech in great detail. We would like to quote here just a few passages from the long speech.

On the question of reciprocity, he said: "Every time I raise a concrete Hungarian grievance and request its remedy, everybody from the Prime Minister down, at every level of government, invokes the idea of reciprocity, instead of doing something about our grievance. With the fullest objectivity, I would like to bring to the attention of the honorable government that such a frequent and usually groundless invocation of reciprocity is a dangerous game in my opinion. I am entitled to say so because ever since I entered politics, I have been most sincerely trying to smoothen the path of Slovak-Hungarian coexistence.

"In my opinion, the small nations in the Danubian Basin most find each other, especially in this warlike atmosphere, in order to safeguard their independence and thus secure peaceful life in the Danubian Basin or, if you prefer, the Carpathian Basin. It naturally follows then that I believe the Slovaks in Hungary must be granted all the rights that God has given every nationality. At the same time, I cannot renounce any of the rights of the Hungarians in this country, especially not rights which we had to fight hard to secure in the Czechoslovak Republic that was formed following the Peace Treaty of Trianon -- rights which we have brought with us after the collapse on Czechoslovakia to the independent Slovak state.

"I hope the Slovak government and my fellow deputies here know that I have never raised any demand which could not be met or would have in any way touched or weakened the sovereignty of the Slovak state. I have tried to secure only the most basic rights for the Hungarians living in this country. Unfortunately, more than once I was unsuccessful.

"I do not deny that there have been instances in the territories returned to Hungary, a few low-ranking officials carried out measures contrary to the interests of the Slovaks in Hungary. But such measures

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ran counter to the Hungarian government's official position in the question of national minorities, and I immediately intervened at the most appropriate authorities. I can assure you, Gentlemen, of one thing: Whenever I presented a realistic complaint which could be proven, remedy was forthcoming immediately," said Esterhazy.

Esterhazy was angered more than once when told of mistreatment of Slovaks in Hungary. He told the Hungarian authorities that such grievances will shake the trust of the Slovaks, destroying what he had done for many years to earn the sympathy of the Slovak people.

Most of the abuses were triggered by display of the Slovak colors. Another frequent incident was the singing of the Slovak national anthem which some overzelous officials were trying to prevent. Janos Esterhazy reported such grievances immediately to the Hungarian government and every time he was given a firm promise to rectify them.

One such incident occurred in Komjati. Esterhazy learned of it from his sister, Louise who drove to the scene at once. When the local priest confirmed the incident which had to do with the flying of the Slovak flag, she drove to Dictric Governor Jozsef Majtenyi who was shocked to learn of the incident. He went immediately to Pozsony to give a full report to Janos Esterhazy. Esterhazy, in turn called the Hungarian Minister of Interior who promised immediate action. The minister kept his word. Two days later, an investigating committee arrived in Komjatice. As a result of the investigation, the mayor was immediately transferred to another part of the country.

Esterhazy's remarks about the so-called "St.Stephen's Concept" were received with great interest. "It is the sovereign right of the Hungarian government and people," he said in a speech in the Slovak parliament on December 22, 1939, "to determine the foundations of their policies and the sources of their political morality, and nobody else is entitled to interfere with that. Hungary has existed as an independent state for more than a thousand years and will remain so, God willing, remaining faithful to the traditions of St.Stephen, which remind the Hungariansforever of theirfirst king who not only established the Hungarian state but who is also credited with turning Hungary into a Christian cultural nation.

"St.Stephen's policies, in my view, can be explained only one way: resting on a Christian national foundation, he honors the national consciousness of people speaking a different tongue. St.Stephen's Concept has never tolerated any suppressive

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efforts or any attempt to deprive others of their national identity. St.Stephen's Concept never allowed the forcible extension of power to dominate the land of others. With regard to Slovakia, the only meaning of St.Stephen's Concept is to secure the happy and peaceful coexistence of the two nations in the sign of his apostolic cross, equally revered by Hungarians and Slovaks."

In the rest of his speech Esterhazy criticized the government's budget, particularly the Hungarians' share in it. He noted the planned census and the propaganda budget, saying that they do not apply an equal measure. Finally, he brought ur the question of bank mergers which regards as somewhat anti-social. *⁴⁶⁸

On January 1, 1940, the Uj Hirek newspaper carried a signed New Years Day editorial by Janos Esterhazy, which was most interesting from the perspective of this work. Here are some of its highlights:

"Last March we witnessed the disintegration of one state and the establishment of another. Many lessons can be learned from the disintegration and I wish they were taken to heart throughout Europe by those who regard it their calling to decide the fate of states, nations and peoples. Using modern terminology it is said that there are certain geopolitical realities which cannot be overthrown and can be resisted only for a short time.

"I would express the same idea by saying that there have been, there are and there will be Divine and natural forces which determine the destiny of peoples and nations. These forces do not allow that those whom fate had combined into one community in a given region be torn asunder, separated and, segment by segment, attached to other spheres of influence. I am thinking of the millions of people, living side-by-side on the slopes of the Carpathians, who will develop and find happiness only if they seek together, in peaceful coexistence, the path to a better future. There is and there can be no other solution." *⁴⁶⁹

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The most important international development in 1940 occurred on May 10 when Hitler launched his Western offensive.

Soon, Italy too, joined the war. Following Denmark, Norway, Belgium and The Netherlands, France too, capitulated. Although the German maneuver at Dunkirk did not quite turn out as it had been expected because 340,000 men of the Western armies managed to escape, the Germans occupied Paris.

Hitler had begun preparations to attack to Soviet Union and that required settlement of the long-standing Hungarian-Rumanian territorial issues. Following the 1938 recipe, he tried to settle the question by bilateral talks, knowing all too well that the talks would not produce any results so that, once again, he would be able to make the final decision.

That is how it happened. As a result of the German-Italian arbitration decision, signed on August 30, 1940, 43,000 square kilometers of land were returned from Rumania to Hungary, with 2.5 million inhabitants, including more than one million Rumanians. Some 400,000 Hungarians remained in Rumania.

In return, Hungary was compelled to render many different kinds of services to the Germans. The most important of these was permission to move so-called "training divisions" from Germany through Hungarian territory to Rumania, which made possible the marshalling of the German forces for the invasion of the Soviet Union. Also, Hungary had to adhere to the tripartite pact of Germany, Italy and Japan, which took place on November 20, 1940, in Vienna. Soon thereafter Slovakia and Rumania also joined.

On December 10, in Belgrade, Hungary and Yugoslavia signed a treaty of eternal friendship, with the approval of Germany.

Under German pressure, the Yugoslav government also joined the tripartite pact, however that turned out to be its downfall because public opinion was strongly against it and the government was swept

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out of office. At that point, the Germans decided to occupy Yugoslavia and called on the Hungarian government to join in that move. From then on, Hungary's situation was rapidly deteriorating. Prime Minister Teleki was reluctant to go along with the German demand and instructed the Hungarian Minister in London to find out what the British reaction would be.

The devastating answer came on April 2, with the threat of breaking off diplomatic relations between Britain and Hungary and, possibly, declaration of war. Teleki did not see any way out of this hopeless situation and, on April 3, he committed suicide.

Things began to speed up. On April 4, 194 1, German forces, traveling through Hungary, entered Yugoslavia. Hungarian military units occupied the Bacska, the Baranya Triangle and the Mura regions. Britain broke diplomatic relations with Hungary.

On June 22, 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union. On June 25, Slovakia joined in the hostilities. On June 26, aircraft, presumed to be German but with Soviet markings, bombed Kassa. Next day, Hungarian aircraft bombed Soviet cities and Hungarian troops crossed the Soviet border.

Early in the war, the German forces were moving with lightning speed against the Soviet army, but at a very high cost in casualties. Germany began pressuring Rumania and Finland to increase their war effort. Subsequently, the size of the Rumanian forces was estimated at 1.8 million and Finnish forces at 401,000.

It goes without saying that Hungary also felt the German pressure, both in the military and economic spheres and the Hungarian political leadership was doing all it could to resist those pressures.

In November 1941, the British government declared war on Finland, Hungary and Rumania. On December 7, Japan launched a devastating aerial attack on American warships at Pearl Harbor. Both Germany and Italy declared themselves in state of war with the United States.

Soon, Hungary also followed suit, but the U.S. declaration of war was not delivered until June 5, 1942, when under increased German pressure, large Hungarian forces were deployed on the Soviet front. With the former Little Entente states closing ranks once again against Hungary, Hungary needed German assistance to resist. Consequently, Hungary was forced more and more to yield to German pressure.

In March 1942, Miklos Kallay was named Prime Minister of Hungary.

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On November 8, 1942, American and British forces landed in North Africa. This event gave rise to hopes among the Hungarian leaders that an American-British landing in the Balkans may also occur. That hope prompted the Kallay government at the end of 1942 to seek contacts with the Western powers. Feelers were put out, mainly through Turkey, the Vatican, Switzerland and Sweden.

In January 1943, the bloody Battle of Stalingrad ended with Soviet victory and the Hungarian Second Army suffered a catastrophic defeat at Voronezh. A few weeks earlier, the Rumanian forces also suffered a major defeat.

The military developments accelerated the pace of Hungarian peace feelers in the West, especially in light of rumors of an impending British landing in the Balkans. Moreover, Hungary began conducting talks with its neighbors on the basis of the 1942 borders. When Benes learned of these secret talks, he broadcast the news over the BBC.

The peace feelers led nowhere. The same fate befell Vatican plans to establish a Central European bloc under the leadership of Otto von Hapsburg. The February 1943 plans of the Turkish foreign minister for a Central European and Balkan bloc also came to naught.

Hitler had learned of the various peace feelers and launched a bitter attack on Kallay's defeatist policies when he was visited by Horthy. Horthy came to his Prime Minisiter's defense and he did so again after his return to Hungary in a letter he sent on May 7 to Hitler.

The Western feelers, albeit more slowly, continued mainly through Barcza, the former Hungarian Minister in London, who was in contact, among others, with Allen Dulles. In June 1943, the Americans agreed to talks, among others, with Lipot Baranyay. Baranyay and Dulles agreed that Royall Tyler would serve as the American liaison, while Gyorgy Bakach-Bessenyey would represent the Hungarian government.

On July 10, 1943, American and British forces landed in Sicily. Two weeks later, Mussolini's rule came to an end.

Minister Barcza reported to Prime Minister Kallay that the Western powers want Hungary to declare an end of belligerency the moment Italy does so. Kallay, however was reluctant for fear that Hitler's forces would overrun Hungary. The leftist parties and the opposition in general demanded immediate action, even at the cost of German occupation. But Kallay did not want to act until the American and British forces reached the Hungarian border. Meanwhile, the

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idea of a landing in the Balkans, as promoted by Churchill, was dropped at the insistence of Roosevelt and Stalin.

On September 8, 1943, it was announced that the allies and Italy agreed on a ceasefire, while American and British forces landed at Naples.

On the same day, the British Ambassador in Ankara delivered the conditions for a possible ceasefire with Hungary. The gist of the nine points was that Hungary had to surrender unconditionally.

Following the conference of foreign ministers in Moscow from October 13 to October 19, 1943, Roosevelt, Churchill and Stalin met at Tehran between November 28 and December 1. They decided on landings at Normandy and in Southern France.

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Following the Italian capitulation, Hitler was afraid that Hungary may follow suit. He had his general staff prepare plans, code named Margarethe for the military occupation of Hungary. On March 18, 1944, Horthy and his entourage were invited to Klessheim. The atmosphere was highly charged during the talks which were broken off several times. At 5 p.m.. orders were issued to execute Project Margarethe.

It took 15 hours for the German military to occupy Hungary. The Gestapo arrested opposition leaders and pro-British politicians by the hundreds. The Kallay government resigned. The Germans wanted lmredy to form the new government but Horthy refused to appoint him Prime Minister. Ultimately, with the Germans' blessings, Dome Sztojay was named Prime Minister, but real power rested in the hands of Veesenmayer, the German Minister.

The Hungarian army's officers' corps was thoroughly purged, especially among the higher ranks. War production, agriculture and industry were brought under complete German control. Meanwhfle, the opposition parties began to organize underground and established the so-called Hungarian Front to bring together all the anti-Fascist resistance forces into a single organization.

On June 6, 1944, the Western Allies landed in Normandy. In view of the new circumstances, lstvan Bethlen urged Horthy to replace the Sztojay government with one composed of military officers.

In August 1944, the Soviet army reached the Hungarian border. On August 15, the Western Allies landed in Southern France. On August 23, Rumania asked for a ceasefire. On August 24, Horthy was forced by the events to dismiss the Sztojay cabinet and named Colonel General Geza Lakatos Prime Minister.

On September 6, Soviet and Rumanian troops crossed the passes in the Southern Carpathians.

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On September 18, Horthy decided to ask the Soviet Union for a ceasefire and sent a delegation to Moscow. Its members were Gabor Faragho, Geza Teleki and Domokos Szent-Ivanyi. Molotov insisted on unconditional surrender. On October 11, Molotov and Faragho signed a preliminary agreement of capitulation.

On October 15, the Germans captured the Regent's son. At 1:30 p.m., the radio broadcast Horthy's proclamation condemning the German occnpation and announcing that he has requested a ceasefire. On October 16, yielding to German demands, Mikios Horthy resigned as Regent of Hungary. Ferenc Szalasi took over the government. On October 17, under German protection, Horthy left Hungary. He was taken to Hirschberg, Germany.

The Hungarian Front and the newly formed Liberation Committee began making plans for an armed uprising on December 1 and sent a delegation to the Soviet headquarters. But the uprising was thwarted by the Gestapo which arrested the leaders of the Liberation Committee, along with 30 military officers.

By December 1944, most of Hungary had come under Soviet military occupation. A provisional National Assembly was formed. It met on December 21 in Debrecen and elected a provisional government. Bela Dalnoki Miklos was named Prime Minister. In January 1945, the government sent a delegation to Moscow to sign an armistice agreement on January 20. The agreement did not recognize the validity of the Vienna arbitration decisions by the Axis powers and it ordered among others, complete evacuation of the occupied Czechoslovak, Rumanian and Yugoslav territories and return behind the borders as they existed on December 31, 1937. The armistice agreement also ordered Hungary to pay 300 million dollars in reparations, with 200 million dollars going to the Soviet Union and the remaining 100 million dollars to Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia.

The Soviet military occupation of Hungary was completed on April 4, 1945. In May, Germany surrendered unconditionally.

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COUNT JANOS ESTERHAZY