THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940

The predicament of the Romanian students at the Hungarian University of Kolozsvar was naturally more precarious than at Budapest. Kolozs was a largely Romanian county, but the city of Kolozsvar itself was 90% to 95% Hungarian, all the more so since the best known cultural and other institutions of the Hungarians of Transylvania had been located there for centuries. Kolozsvar was viewed as the capital city of the Hungarians of Transylvania because of this as well as on account of its geographical position. Its Hungarian character was underscored by the university established there in 1872. Being the hub of a region that was mainly Romanian, its situation reflected that of Transylvania as a whole. The Hungarian population of Kolozsvar, in the midst of a mainly Romanian county, must have felt as did Hungarians of Transylvania in general, surrounded as they were by a Romanian majority. Therefore the Hungarians of Kolozsvar were

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quick to react to any manifestation of Romanian nationalism, especially since they were aware of the plans to detach Transylvania to form a Greater Romania.

Under such conditions the predicament of the professor of Romanian language and literature of the University of Kolozsvar was as delicate as that of the Romanian students. This chair was occupied by Gergely Szilasi [Silasi], who took part in every Romanian movement. In 1873, not long after the opening of the university, he became president of the association protecting the interests of the Romanian apprentices of Kolozsvar. ¹⁷⁵ Soon he was able to rally the Romanian students at the university as well: they organized the Julia Literary Society under his guidance and leadership, on a Romanian national basis. Occasionally the society received kudos from the Romanian press, which rendered it suspect to the Hungarian public. Since the mentor and leader of the association was Professor Szilasi [Silasi] himself, the suspicions aroused by the society reflected on him. For instance, the fact that he delivered a speech in 1876, at the opening session of the Julia, replete with strong Romanian sentiments, was held against him. Moreover, he was criticized for his lectures in Romanian as well, although this was a natural thing. After a warning from the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education, and the Rector of the University, Szilasi realized that the suspicions surrounding his activities derived from his involvement with the Julia Society, hence he resigned from it. But his official resignation did not signify that he was no longer interested in the student organization, and he continued to guide it from behind the scenes. Of course, this could not be kept secret, and only increased the distrust of the Hungarian public towards him. Since both the Julia Society and Szilasi were more circumspect from then on, the excitement gradually abated and, until 1884, Romanian students could cultivate their national sentiments in peace.

The year 1884 brought a most significant turn in Romanian public opinion in Hungary. The Romanian daily Tribuna was launched that year with the objective of silencing those Romanians who were inclined to appease the Hungarians and, moreover, of preparing ideologically for the union of the Romanians of Hungary with those of Romania. The irredentist leaders of young Romanians had decided to launch the paper in theory already in 1871 at their mass gathering in Putna [Putna]. It was shortly before the Putna gathering that the unification of the Italians and of the Germans had taken place. One of the Romanian organizers, Slavici, noted in connection with the meeting that "the idea that sooner or later all Romanians would unite in a single state was not far-fetched. We were of the opinion that this unification would take

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place in the natural course of events.... But the main thing was to be prepared for it, as the Italians and the Germans were prepared." The objectives of this preparation were served by the daily Tribuna whose aim was to establish the cultural unity of Romanians as a necessary prerequisite for a political union.¹⁷⁶

The Tribuna was one outcome of the struggles at Putna; it was launched on April 26, 1884, at Nagyszeben. From the very first it struck such an aggressively anti-Hungarian tone that both Hungarian and Romanian readers had to harken. In Kolozsvar, so important to the evolution of Hungarian opinion in Transylvania, the Hungarian university students naturally rattled by the tone and demands of the newspaper. The paper demanded autonomy for Transylvania, cursed the Hungarians for having ,'turned back into barbarism" one part of the country (Transylvania) since 1867, ¹⁷⁷ and boldly agreed with the Saxon observation according to which young Romanians were "brought up with an anti-state mentality''. ¹⁷⁸ It strove to enhance the anti-Hungarian feelings of the Romanians with every stroke of the pen. Nor was this difficult to accomplish: Romanians read the news published in the Tribuna with growing interest, and soon one Romanian from Kolozsvar began to correspond about local matters in the daily from Nagyszeben. At the same time, among the books advertised by Tribuna was one by Szilasi [Silasi], in which the Romanian professor of the Hungarian University of Kolozsvar attempted to refute the arguments of Hungarian scholars. ¹⁷⁹ All this drew the attention of the Hungarian students to the activities of Szilasi and of the Julia Society once again. It took but one spark to set the place on fire, and this spark was provided by the preparations of the Romanians of Kolozsvar for the celebration of May 14.

In the evening of May 14, 1884, university students and leaders of the local intelligentsia gathered at the Hotel Biasini to commemorate the events of May 15, 1848, the day Romanians met in Balazsfalva to declare the autonomy of Transylvania. As a consequence of this declaration the Romanians seized arms against the Hungarian regime of the time, on the side of the Habsburgs. Now, on the eve of May 15, 1884, the students planned to commemorate the day of the mass rally at Balazsfalva. They had commemorated this day on previous occasions, without the Hungarians becoming particularly aroused; but at the beginning of 1884 the Tribuna with its provocatively anti-Hungarian tone constituted a fresh sensation. When correspondents from Kolozsvar began to publish in the paper as well, the Hungarian university students, regarding this as a provocation, began to demonstrate. In the evening of May 14, a sizable crowd of Hungarian students marched to

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the apartment of Professor Szilasi [Silasi], the former leader of the Young Romanians, and protested noisily. They protested against the Julia Society, then against the Romanians celebrating at the Hotel Biasini, then once again they wanted to return to Szilasi's apartment, but were prevented from doing so by the police. These demonstrations lasted for days and, on one occasion, the Hungarian students ceremonially set an issue of the Tribuna on fire, in the middle of the marketplace. Finally, both the police and the council of the University took measures against the organizers of the protest, and order was re- stored. ¹⁸⁰

As a consequence of the demonstrations, however, the Julia Society and Professor Szilasi, became even more objects of suspicion. This led to the dissolution of the society in 1884, whereas Professor Szilasi, who had taught for 14 years, was sent into retirement. Thus the Hungarian youth of Kolozsvar and the Hungarian public in general regarded the Julia Society as anti-Hungarian, demanding its dissolution. This demand is best explained by the anti-Hungarian behavior of the Romanian students which, to put it mildly, was inconsiderate. The Hungarian public accused the Romanian students of anti-Hungarian and anti-state activities, and the validity of these charges was confirmed, among other things, by the attitude of the Romanian students at the time of the Memorandum trial.

In 1894 the Hungarian state attorney's office sued those Romanian leaders who, while Hungarian citizens, had rejected the constitution two years earlier by sending their writ of accusation against the Hungarians to the Emperor of Austria; this memorandum was also eventually published in the press. The Romanian students at the University of Kolozsvar embarked upon political action of considerable significance. Although the ground rules of the university, barred students from engaging in political struggles they issued a proclamation, appealing to the people to express solidarity with those accused at the trial, whose cause was their own cause. The authors of the proclamation also instructed the people of the neighboring Romanian villages to come to Kolozsvar on the day of the court proceedings en masse and show their solidarity towards the accused. Furthermore, they instructed the people of more distant communities to send delegations at the expense of the community. Moreover, every Romanian village was to draft a statement of unity and encouragement and send it to the accused, copies of which were to reach the editorial offices of the Tribuna. The clergy of the two Romanian churches were asked to explain the meaning of the Memorandum trial to the Romanian people on the Sunday of St. Thomas during mass, beseeching God to promote the cause of justice.

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Armed with the above proclamation the 42 Romanian students of the University of Kolozsvar set out to agitate among the people of the Romanian villages in the vicinity of the city. The Romanian press published enthusiastic communiqués about the success of their enterprise, forcing the administration of the University to take disciplinary action; the council of the university barred the Romanian students from taking the examinations, on the basis of Articles 80 through 94 of the ground rules. Then the students affected appealed to the Hungarian Minister of Religious Affairs and Education. On the intervention of Prime Minister Dezso Banffy, their appeal was allowed, the rights of the University students restored, and the disciplinary action halted. ¹⁸¹

The dissolution of the Julia Society did not put a stop to the self-improvement of the Romanian students in a nationalist direction. Nor was this the main purpose of the order to dissolve, but rather to put a stop to the anti-state and anti-Hungarian agitation. Soon, however, a new formation replaced the dissolved organization: as one of the Romanian deputy ministers recalled after the war, the Romanian students at Kolozsvar found the means "to set up their organization once again in secret, in the guise of the 'Romanian Casino' of Kolozsvar.'' ¹⁸² The new association was of course more dangerous from a Hungarian point of view, because it operated secretly and could not be monitored.

In the decades preceding World War I, the Romanian students at the University of Kolozsvar lived their Romanian national life without serious conflict. They met regularly at the Romanian Casino to discuss their national affairs and reinforce their national consciousness. They spoke Romanian amongst themselves on the street, at social gatherings, and within the university. Occasionally some Hungarian student objected to the use of Romanian, especially if it was spoken loudly and demonstratively, and this may have resulted in greater or lesser confrontations. For instance, in 1911, some Romanian students were speaking their language and reading a Romanian newspaper in one of the classrooms. In line with the tone of the Romanian press at the time, they used strong epithets to characterize the Hungarian state. One of the students, a "Jewish-Hungarian" according to our Romanian source, objected to the loud Romanian speech and the reading of the Romanian newspaper. Words were exchanged, leading to an argument and to a general fight. The Romanian students were beaten, and the Hungarian students demanded that the university administration forbid the use of Romanian on the campus. The administration did not comply with the request of the Hungarian students. The provost summoned the

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Hungarian students who had participated in the fight, scolded them severely, and praised the Romanians, saying: ,'You have shown that you are aware of your rights; and you cannot be faulted for defending them; I will not allow any attack upon those rights.'' ¹⁸³

While at the University of Kolozsvar the relationship between Romanian and Hungarian students became tense on account of the general situation in Transylvania, the atmosphere at the University of Budapest was calmer. Since Budapest was cosmopolitan, the national movements of the Romanian youths aroused but mild interest. Moreover, the Romanian students behaved less demonstratively in the capital city of Hungary. The first professor of Romanian language and literature at the University was the member of parliament and editor Alexandru Roman who led an active struggle against the Hungarians and on behalf of the Romanians both in the press and in the House of Parliament. He demanded autonomy for Transylvania on several occasions and, in the years following the Compromise, fought passionately for the federalization of the Monarchy, intent on changing the constitution. He was sentenced to one year in jail in 1870 for agitation against the constitution. He sat out his sentence at the prison in Vac, where he fell ill. The Hungarian Minister of Justice, Boldizsar Horvath, granted him a furlough of six weeks from the prison to enable him to restore his health. ¹⁸⁴ After his release he continued to function as a professor at the university. His sentence and prison term were not held against him either by the administration of the university or by the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education as incompatible with his professorship. In fact, he was granted tenure in 1872. From then on he carried out his functions as the professor of Romanian language and literature undisturbed until the end of his life. ¹⁸⁵

The Romanian students at the University of Budapest expressed their national sentiments in their reading club, the Petru Maior. The club was founded during the Austrian autocratic regime, before the Compromise of 1867. Its ground rules, however, were not ratified by the Board of the University. After the Compromise the students submitted their request for approval to the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education. Their first application was denied because Article 5 of their ground rules stated that non-university students could be admitted as regular members of the club. The Hungarian ministry stipulated that this article be deleted. The leaders of the club eventually complied, and the modified ground rules were ratified by the Minister on January 29,

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1873. From then until the Memorandum trial the club functioned in peace. The members published a paper, held reading sessions, and discussed all the implications of the Romanian question at their meetings. In the academic year 1891-92 the club published Ghita Pop's work, Horia, in which the author praised the hero of the peasant rebellion on 1784. Gradually the Romanian students drifted into Romanian political movements. They held readings and debates with political contents not only in the club room, but even in the private rooms of some restaurants. In the tense situation which prevailed after the Memorandum trial, this activity of the club did create some stir. Hence the Hungarian Minister of the Interior suspended the activities of the club by his directive 17-24 of December 29, 1895, and ordered an investigation to determine to what extent the club had overstepped the objectives and boundaries defined in its ground rules.

The investigation revealed the facts mentioned above, and for a while the Ministry of the Interior hesitated about whether to authorize the club to resume its activities. Finally, in view of the mood of conciliation which prevailed at the time in Hungarian domestic affairs, he withdrew his suspension on July 9,1896, and the club could begin to function under new rules. ¹⁸⁶

The club was typical of Romanian national movements before 1918. Closed to Hungarians, its irredentism was often in the open, manifesting itself in disguised animosity towards the Hungarian state, as on the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary, celebrated in April 1912: the activities of the club were praised in exalted language in the presence of Romanians from Vienna, Czernowitz [Cernauti], and other cities. Its true objectives were expressed openly by one of its members at the Second Congress of Romanian Students held in Craiova in September 1912. Delegates sent by Romanian students in the neighboring lands participated at the congress. The university students in Hungary were represented by Vasile Stoica from the University of Budapest. According to the press Stoica delivered a long speech praising the work of the Romanian university students of Hungary and comparing the Petru Maior to the Romanian student association of Vienna, the Romania Juna. In his conclusion he expressed the expectation that "our dream, the union of all Romanians, will become reality much sooner than we think.'' ¹⁸⁷ At that time Vasile Stoica was the president of the Petru Maior. ¹⁸⁸ The club had a three-room library and 146 members, a majority of whom (77) were medical students. According to the semester report of the club, its objective was "to keep alive love for the nation and, in this connection, to bring about the union of souls of all Romanians.'' ¹⁸⁹

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Thus the Petru Maior faithfully embodied the Romanian irredentist spirit of the students at the University of Budapest to the end. Other Romanian residents of Budapest helped in this endeavor. While Romanian public opinion regarded Professor Siegescu, who occupied the chair of Romanian language and literature, as a renegade, the assistant professor at the University, Dr. Iosif Popovici, enjoyed the complete trust of the students. He was one of the spiritual mentors of the club.

Before the millenary celebration there was yet another Romanian professor at the University of Budapest. This was the distinguished professor Victor Babes, the well-known Romanian bacteriologist, who had a chair and a laboratory. In 1887 he was invited to teach at the University of Bucharest. His departure was deplored in some Romanian circles, but others felt it was absolutely necessary. Slavici, the editor-in- chief of the Tribuna, declared that as far as he was concerned, this was a matter of principle: Babes could not remain at Budapest, he had to move to Romania, otherwise he could no longer be regarded as a Romanian. "Although he has a chair and a laboratory at Budapest, the hub of Romanian life is in Bucharest, hence he has no choice.', ¹⁹⁰ Naturally, as long as he stayed at the University of Budapest, Babes had been a role model for the Romanian students there.

During the whole period, the students of Romanian ethnic background at the University of Budapest were able to edify each other within a club formed on an ethnic basis and prepare themselves for whatever calling they expected to fill in Romanian society. The Hungarian university authorities did not interfere with the operation of the club which, except for a brief interruption in 1896, remained open up until the collapse in 1918.

Surveying the broad evolution of Romanian schools in Hungary the reader can form an interesting picture. As we have seen, the Romanian students of Hungary could acquire Romanian culture at all levels in their own primary and at a few secondary schools, as well as the completely independent theological seminaries; whereas students at Hungarian universities could acquire it in their own national clubs, taking over and building upon the culture of the preceding generation. Since freedom of instruction was never impinged upon, students could register wherever they wished and study in their mother tongue without hindrance. The new Romanians (i.e. originally Hungarians) also had the right to retain their freshly acquired national identity for their children; that is, the right to Romanianize or assimilate was not denied

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on the territory of the Hungarian state. In villages with a mixed population the Hungarian minority continued to merge into Romanian society. Although Article 18 of the Apponyi Act XXVII of 1907 did provide for instruction in Hungarian to Hungarian children, this provision, as we noted, was not carried out.

The Romanian schools were supported partly from the financial resources of Romanian social classes, partly by open or secret donations from Romania, or by assistance from the Hungarian state. In exchange for state support the primary schools were obliged to offer five subjects in accordance with the syllabus provided by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Education, albeit in the mother tongue of the students, whereas state support for the secondary schools did not entail any similar obligation.

For a long time the teachers and professors could continue to function without interference by Hungarian officials. In spite of their irredentist and anti-Hungarian attitude the educators received state subsidies and enjoyed rights equal to those of their Hungarian colleagues.

By the Acts of 1879, 1883, and 1907 the Hungarians state provided for teaching of Hungarian as a subject in the primary and secondary schools. The first Act was fully implemented only after 1907, and even then its provisions were applied strictly only until 1913. Thereafter Hungarian was taught less and less in the Romanian schools.

Primary, secondary, and higher Romanian institutions spread irredentist and anti-Hungarian ideas to all strata of Romanian society throughout the period of Hungarian rule. The Hungarian state prescribed the teaching of Hungarian in order to curtail and prevent the spread of these ideas, and this led the state to commit mistakes. The most obvious of these were: Hungarian as the only language of instruction at state primary schools and vocational schools; the prevention of the establishment of further Romanian secondary schools; instruction at state secondary schools exclusively in Hungarian. Apponyi's Act was meant to weaken anti-Hungarian irredentist ideas, while providing for patriotic education at Romanian schools. This was also the objective of the measure adopted after the Bucharest fair of 1906, according to which the emblem and flag of Hungary were to be displayed at Romanian schools on holidays. Apponyi also fomented the establishment of new state schools without, however, intervening aggressively in the competition between Romanian denominational and Hungarian state schools.

The measures adopted did not achieve the goal on maintaining the Hungarian state or defending its concept. Because of the clever

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propaganda mounted by the Romanian media the measures taken by Apponyi appeared, abroad, as if they had been adopted for the sake of crude and aggressive Hungarianization. While the Romanians carried on such a clever struggle against Apponyi's measures, they knew right well that the Romanians were culturally far worse off in all the neighboring countries. There was not a single school with Romanian as the language of instruction in Serbia, Bulgaria, or Russia. Moreover, the Romanian press did report on the measures adopted by Germany to force Poles and Frenchmen to study only in German. ¹⁹¹ German school officials insisted that even religious instruction must be given in German in the Polish schools, while Romania itself resorted to similar methods. Cultural policies in Romania made no allowance for the rights of nationalities who constituted about one sixth of the population of the country, and tried to Romanianize them by instructing them only in Romanian.

While the official language was the language of instruction in almost every country, there were Romanian schools in Bukovina under the Austrian regime. In theory the Austrians granted certain rights to these Romanian schools but, as we may read in the situation report provided by one of the Romanian newspapers, Austrian officials went out of their way to repress the Romanian language and to encourage German. Since they operated covertly, with more refined methods, they caused less of a stir than the policies attributed to Apponyi; hence, in the opinion of the author of an article, it was even more dangerous from the Romanian point of view. ¹⁹²

Comparing Hungarian educational policies and the Romanian schools of Hungary with the policies of neighboring states and the Romanian school situation there, we are bound to conclude: Hungarian educational policy provided immeasurably greater opportunities for the instruction of Romanians in their mother tongue than the governments of neighboring countries. Because of the irredentist ideas entertained in the Romanian schools, Hungarian officials had to resort to measures which, in the long run, did not achieve their goal, and caused the Hungarians more harm than good.

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were Astra, the Romanian National Cultural Association of Arad, the Romanian People's Educational Association of Maramaros, the Progresul Association of Fogaras, and the Romanian Theater Foundation Society. Furthermore, there were about 25 women's associations, 113 choral and music groups, and 33 reading societies (casinos)by 1907. The Romanian press consisted at that time of 49 papers of which 20 were political, 4 social, 6 ecclesiastic and educational, 4 literary, 8 economic, 4 humoristic, and 3 technical. The cause of the theater in Romanian language was served by cultural associations in Hungary and by companies from Romania.

Astra was the most significant social group of the Romanians of Hungary. Its name was an abbreviation of "Asociatiunea Transilvana" the first syllables of the two words. It was founded in 1861, under the Austrian autocratic regime. Ioan Puscariu, who was to become a judge in the Hungarian Royal Court, took the initiative to set up the association along with the leaders of the two Romanian churches Andrei Saguna and Alexandru Sterca-Sulutiu. Their first application for authorization was rejected by Frederick Lichtenstein, the governor of Transylvania because, as he stated in his response, he could not authorize the creation of a national association since the "projected association... would serve exclusively nationalist purposes by which the Romanians would quite openly segregate themselves from the other nationalities living alongside them." On the governor's instructions the Romanian organizers of the association modified the ground rules: according to Article 4, persons of any creed or nation could now join. The ground rules were finally approved. According to Article 2, the objectives of the association were "the promotion of the culture of the Romanian people in every field, by the elaboration and publication of studies, awards in various scholarly and artistic disciplines, scholarships, and similar means.,' Already at the time of formation the general assembly of the association elected, as its first honorary members, distinguished personalities from Moldavia, Wallachia, and Bucharest. Among them we find Simion Barnutiu, a professor from Iasi, Prince Bibescu Brancovan, Dr. Petru Campean, a resident of Berlin, A. Tr. Laureanu, a university professor from Bucharest, Ioan Maiorescu, also a professor from Bucharest, Dr. Ilarion Papiu, secretary of state from Moldavia, a few Hungarians and, in general, all those credited with some special contribution to Romanian culture. Maiorescu, Laureanu, and Papiu were all aware of the plans which cropped up since 1848,

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even officially at times regarding the unification of Transylvania with the two Romanian principalities.

The work of the association consolidated during the first years of the Hungarian regime, and expanded freely; its impact was soon felt by all Romanians of Hungary. At the beginning it had but three sections, and these sections had some difficulty getting off the ground. The jurisdiction of these sections was decided at the general meeting at Balazsfalva in 1877, but it was not until after 1895 that they began to function effectively. Later, particularly after the turn of the century, Astra had

five sections, namely 1) literary, 2) historical, 3) scientific, 4)educational, and 5) economic, each of which had a specific task. The literary section set up public libraries and printed popular editions. It also concerned itself with Romanian orthography and made proposals to the Romanian academy regarding standardizing the spelling of Romanian words. On the basis of this proposal the Romanian Academy did, indeed, pronounce on the rules of Romanian orthography applicable to all Romanians. The historical section also studied the place-names in the Romanian regions of Hungary and, in 1903, announced a competition for a dictionary of geography and toponymy as pertaining to the Romanian counties of Hungary. In 1906 it entrusted Silvestru Moldavan and Nicolae Togan with the compilation of the dictionary, and their collaborative work appeared in 1909. ¹⁹³ The scientific section organized, from 1903, popular readings with the help of audio-visual aids. The speakers hired projected pictures pertaining to Romanian history and folk culture to Romanian audiences in the towns and villages. For instance, in 1906 Mota, the Orthodox deacon of Szaszvaros, held lectures at the churches of Romanian villages in the vicinity, in the course of which he projected on canvas the portraits of the King and Queen of Romania. ¹⁹⁴ The economic section compiled data pertaining to the life style of Romanian peasants in Hungary, and studied the issue of continuing education for peasants. It also dealt with the issues of emigration and socialism and, later, employed a lecturer in economics to discuss development in the villages.

In addition to the operation of these sections, Astra was able to achieve other results as well. It established a secondary school for girls at Nagyszeben. Between 1895 and 1904 it compiled the first encyclopedia in the Romanian language, published in three thick volumes. The project employed 172 paid contributors, 90 of whom were from Romania. By commissioning this encyclopedia, Astra demonstrated that it had greater powers of initiative and more cultural potential than any cultural association in Romania with the exception of the Romanian Academy.

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The Romanian National House in Nagyszeben was another achievement of Astra. The construction of the National House had been resolved in 1897. The expenses of its construction were covered by special collections. It was inaugurated on August 19, 1905, at the time of the plenary meeting of the association. On this occasion Astra organized a grand ethnographic, historical, and cultural exhibition on the newly opened premises. It was the artifacts and date from this exhibition that were loaned for the Bucharest fair of 1906 discussed previously.

Astra became increasingly active; after 1907 and its financial footing expanded as well, to over half a million crowns, a sum increased by further donations and funds. The data presented at the plenary meeting held in 1912, just before World War I, revealed an increased appreciation of the work of the association. In 1912 it had 13,022 members, including regular, honorary, founding, contributing, and other kinds. It is typical that most of the contributing members, 115 out of 144, were from Romania. According to the annual report of the select committee there were 67 branches in 1911 which organized altogether 714 popular events attended by 150,000 persons: 218 cultural, social, moral, and religious events, 86 financial, 15 linguistic or literary, 26 industrial or commercial, 29 events dealing with health, and 42 with legal matters. Most speakers were clergymen, teachers, or lawyers. The economic experts of the association delivered 87 popular lectures in 45 communities. Moreover, Astra created two Raffeisen cooperatives, a course in viticulture at Alsopian, and a course in orchardry for clergymen. It organized 18 literacy courses at various branches of the associations attended by 430 illiterate Romanians. Certain branches organized exhibitions. Others distributed several thousand pamphlets among the peasants at the district assemblies of the organization. By the end of 1911 the association could boast of 442 public libraries, holding a total of 26,335 volumes. They published popular works for the public libraries, in altogether 15,000 copies in the year 1911. For instance, the publications intended for the youth libraries were printed in 11,961 copies. The library of the association was organized according to the system of the library of the Romanian Academy in Bucharest. By the end of 1911 Astra had 958,587 crowns and 31 fillers in its treasury, including several large contributions donated that year. One significant sum was the 10,000 crowns donated by Vasile Stroescu to establish a library for the benefit of the Romanian students at the University of Kolozsvar. ¹⁹⁵

As the data indicates, the Astra of Hungary provided impressive services on behalf of the cause of Romanian culture in Hungary.

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Obviously, such activity and progress could not have taken place under anything but the most propitious circumstances. We cannot help but notice the wonderful opportunities the association enjoyed throughout Hungarian rule. From the time of the Compromise the Hungarian state not only allowed it to organize, but actively supported it. It contributed 400 forints annually and, until 1899, the association accepted this contribution with thanks. That year, at the plenary meeting in Deva, the leaders of the association declared that they will no longer request this assistance, because the state had undoubtedly made this contribution with the ulterior motive of "Intervening in our cultural affairs as well.'' ¹⁹⁶ Nevertheless, immediately before the World War, the economic lecturer of the association accepted financial support from the Minister of Agriculture who assumed the expenses of the course in viticulture at Alsopian. ¹⁹⁷

Thus, in general the Hungarian authorities good-naturedly supported the operations and progress of the associations. The ground rules elaborated during the anti-Hungarian Austrian autocratic regime remained in effect unchanged until 1895; the Minister of the Interior did not even inquire about them. In 1895 the ground rules were submitted to the Minister of Religious Affairs and Education in connection with a trial; the Minister, in consultation with the Prime Minister, called upon the central committee of the association to change the name of the association and certain expressions in the ground rules to meet the new requirements of public law. Early in March 1897, at its extraordinary plenary meeting held at Nagyszeben, the association deleted the term ,'of Transylvania" from its title and, expanding and modifying the ground rules, resubmitted these for approval. The new ground rules were approved as early as August 13, of that year. Consequently Astra could now expand its activities to cover all areas of Hungary inhabited by Romanians. According to Article 2 of the ground rules the objectives of the association became far broader:

...The promotion of education for the Romanian people, especially the initiation of studies and research; the publication of literary, scientific, and artistic works; the establishment of public libraries, museums, and special collections; donations of various scientific, artistic, and industrial awards; grants of scholarships; the organization of exhibitions, public lectures, and readings; the establishment of boarding and other schools, or assistance to those already in existence by organizing departments in various disciplines and providing specialized instructors; moreover, diverse legal ventures to promote the literature

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and ideas of the Romanians of Hungary, as well as their training

in sound economic management.

As we may note from this most extensive set of objectives, the association actually assumed and carried out tasks befitting a scientific and popular Romanian national academy. The impact of its enormous accomplishments on the Romanian population became particularly apparent at the plenary meetings it organized occasionally in one Hungarian town or other. The most memorable of these were the meetings at Nagyszeben in 1905, at Des in 1910, and at Balazsfalva in 1911. The National House was consecrated at Nagyszeben in 1905. A meeting of great significance from the point of view of the national consciousness of the Romanians of Szolnok-Doboka county was held at Des in 1910. On this occasion the Hungarians at Des were most courteous towards Astra, making the auditorium of the county hall available to it. The Hungarians also put up the guests who arrived for the meeting. ¹⁹⁸ The Romanian processions at the general meeting of Balazsfalva in 1911 amounted to demonstrations. This was the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of Astra, and preparations for the meeting had been going on for a whole year. About 6,000 guests took part, including archbishops and leading political figures from Romania, with Nicholae Iorga, the best-known spokesman of anti-Hungarian irredentism in the lead. During the celebration, which lasted three days, "there was no sign of life other than Romanian," according to the official report. The Hungarian government gracefully contributed to the celebration by ensuring a strictly Romanian framework for it: not a single gendarme was in sight, since the organizers had set up their own police apparatus for the occasion. Even the author of the official publication thanked the government for it, in the name of the organizers, because "during the celebration it was hardly possible to see a gendarme on the streets of Balazsfalva." The celebration did turn out to be a perfectly Romanian national moment. ¹⁹⁹

Occasionally, some local authority refused to grant permission for setting up a branch of the association. On such occasions, however, the Ministry intervened and allowed the appeal, contributing to the implementation of the right to organize, as guaranteed by law. This was the case when Astra set up a branch at Gyergyobekas [Bicazu Ardelean]. The sheriff rejected the ground rules presented by the branch, and this rejection was upheld by the governor. When the First Secretary of Astra appealed the ban to the Minister, the latter decided in favor of Astra, and the branch did come into being in 1912, on the edge of the land of the Szekelys, along the Romanian border. ²⁰⁰

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Apart from these minor incidents the authorities did not hinder the activities of Astra anywhere during the Hungarian period.

The activities of Astra did contribute, in the long run, to the retention of large numbers of Romanians within the fold of national consciousness. According to the revelations published after World War I, its whole work had an irredentist impact on the Romanians of Transylvania. Carol II, King of Romania, remarked during a visit to Blaj [Balazsfalva] in 1936 that "Even fifty years ago this cultural association had erased all boundaries keeping Romanians apart.... Yesterday Astra had prepared the unification." ²⁰¹

There were other associations serving Romanian national interests. Both the Arad association and that of Maramaros were active on behalf of the culture of the Romanian people and for the support of certain strata of Romanian society. We have found no evidence of any Hungarian government measures hampering their activity. Their ground rules were approved by the authorities without undue delay. Even when there was some objection, approval never took longer than one year or two, including the required modifications. The casinos and women's associations also operated on behalf of the above national goals. The inside information about these organizations can come only from Romanian works published after 1920. If the casinos were anything like that of Brasso, then it is clear that extremist irredentist sentiments were given vent even in these cultural institutions. According to the evidence in the general work on the casino at Brasso, the portraits on the walls of the casino as well as the activities of its members testify to the closest collaboration with Romania. It was not the portrait of the ruler of Hungary that was hung on the walls, but that of Carol, the ruler of Romania, with the caption: "The Lord of all Romanians (Domn al romanilor)." In addition to the portrait of Carol, the walls of the casino were also adorned with the portraits of Emperor Trajan, Decebal, and particularly that of Voivod Mihai Viteazul, the latter being, as the chronicler says, "the symbol of the unity of the nation." In order to mislead the authorities, the casino officials always emphasized that they were not interested in politics. Yet they constantly dealt in politics, and not only the politics of Hungary but those of Romania too. In 1880, when the attempt to assassinate the Romanian Prime Minister, Ion C. Bratianu, ended in failure, the members of the casino sent him a decorated album to celebrate his escape. In 1894, on the eve of the Memorandum trial, a confidential

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gathering was organized at the casino; 103 members showed up and agreed upon certain measures, including the distribution of leaflets of protests and agitation. In 1910 the casino sent a delegation to honor Titu Maiorescu, statesman and eventually Prime Minister of Romania, on his 70th birthday.

Only those who knew how to keep a secret were admitted to the casino. When a young man was first led into the premises of the casino, Sever Axente, the famous people's tribune from 1848, the destroyer of Nagyenyed, greeted him: "But you must know that what you hear on these premises, you did not hear, and what you see, you did not see. Is it understood?" ²⁰² The power of attraction and the great significance of the Romanian casinos on behalf of the dissemination of Romanian irredentism becomes clear.

Besides the work of the associations Romanian theatrical shows also played an important role in the dissemination of Romanian culture. These performances began after the Compromise. Amateur companies would present various plays here and there, with greater enthusiasm than competence. At this time the Romanians of Hungary did not have either a permanent stage nor a permanent theatrical company. Companies often came over from Romania to give guest performances. Already the first year after the Compromise, in 1868, Mihai Pascaly, one of the best known Romanian actors, visited those regions of Hungary where the Romanians lived with his company of actors. He gave shows in Brasso, Szeben, Arad, Temesvar, Lugos, and Oravica, and the Romanians attended in large masses. In 1870, Matei Millo, another actor from Bucharest, put on performances in Romanian in Brasso, Szeben, Arad, and Oravica with his twelve-member troupe. The Hungarian authorities did not interfere with his performances, what more, in Kolozsvar, the cultural center of the Hungarians of Transylvania, the Hungarian theater was made available to them at no cost for performances in Romanian, even though its charter of foundation specified that only Hungarian shows could be held in that theater. ²⁰³ The tours of the actors from Bucharest were repeated in subsequent years. The Romanian composer of songs, Ionescu, toured the Romanian villages of Transylvania year after year and everywhere he was greeted with enormous enthusiasm. These shows according to the observation of one Romanian writer brought many "alienated Romanians" back into the fold of their nation. ²⁰⁴ In later years visits by troupes from Bucharest became rarer, but after the turn of the century they picked

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up again. The Ministry of the Interior issued in 1902 a blanket permission allowing guest shows in any provincial town of Hungary. In those years it was an actor from Bucharest, Zacarias Barsan, who gave extremely successful performances. In 1908 his show was temporarily banned in Brasso, because his permission had expired in 1907, but the Ministry granted his request for renewal, and his performances could continue in the country. ²⁰⁵

In 1913 the Romanian National Theater of 14 members received permission to conduct a guest tour in the country, in areas inhabited by Romanians. The company gave 47 performances in 17 cities, including towns with an overwhelmingly Hungarian majority, to which the Romanians of the region flocked in large numbers. In most places, including Nagyvarad, the local Hungarian authorities supported the guest tour of the Romanian actors by allowing them to use the premises of the Hungarian theater. According to the contemporary Romanian chronicler these performances amounted to "a most important Romanian cultural demonstration which moved the hearts and aroused even greater love towards the Romanian language and way of life." ²⁰⁶

In addition to performances by guest actors from Bucharest amateur shows were put on during the Hungarian regime, everywhere and at all times. The performers were students from the university or from high school, members of the intelligentsia, or simply amateurs from the village. The amateur company of the Romanian students at the University of Kolozsvar gave 40 theatrical performances in various towns of Transylvania over a period of seven years. Elsewhere performances were given by secondary school students. ²⁰⁷ In 1904 the number of performances in Romanian, towns and villages, was far greater than in preceding years. ²⁰⁸ By then amateur performances became organized in a uniform manner throughout the country, under the direction of the Romanian Theatrical Foundation Society; in fact, most of the actors involved had studied in Bucharest thanks to scholarships granted by this foundation. For instance, the 167 amateur performances in 1906 were organized and directed by Zacarias Barsan, in 122 communities. ²⁰⁹ These performances continued undisturbed during the remainder of the Hungarian regime, and there is no evidence that the authorities ever interfered.

In 1870 Romanian leaders in Hungary formed an association to collect funds for setting up a permanent Romanian theater. The ground rules of this association were approved by the Hungarian Ministry of the Interior on May 10,1871, thus launching the aforementioned Romanian Theatrical Foundation Society. During its extended life the Foundation collected almost half a million crowns for the construction of a perma -

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nent Romanian theater, yet never pressed hard for its construction, probably because the cause of the Romanian theater was better served by the amateurs or the actors from Bucharest.

From the point of view of the national interests of the Romanians of Hungary and their cultural values the Romanian press, without a doubt, played a decisive role. After all, the Romanian press was the real power which controlled and harmonized the Romanians of Hungary, mustering them on behalf of particular Romanian interests. Hence the significance of this press was enormous. The first political weekly was founded in 1838 by a professor from Balazsfalva, Gheorghe Baritiu, in Brasso: this was the famous Gazeta Transilvaniei. During the events of 1848, further Romanian weeklies were established, although many of these were but short-lived. The famous organ of the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Telegraful Roman, came into existence at the beginning of the autocratic regime, whereas further political weeklies were founded towards the end of that period, but not for long. The first Romanian political daily, the Tribuna, of Nagyszeben, was launched in 1884.²¹¹ At the same time the Gazeta Transilvaniei of Brasso was converted into a daily as well. Thereafter Romanian weeklies and dailies of various types were founded in rapid succession.

All these serial publications gave vent to anti-Hungarian Romanian irredentist ideas more or less in unison. As Iuliu Maniu noted in 1923, "it is mostly to the Romanian press that we owe preservation of our national and political traditions, of our language and culture, and that the spirit of the people could dedicate itself to national demands in the former occupied areas. ²¹¹ Of course, all this could not have happened without freedom of the press and the lack of censorship that prevailed in Hungary, as we shall see in the next chapter.

The issue of the financing of the Romanian press in not entirely clear to this day. We know for certain that the expenses of some periodicals were covered by moneys received from Romania. In the case of others we can only suspect this but have no hard evidence. In any case, the history of the Romanian press is in its very infancy. It is certain, however, that many Romanian serials could not have survived merely from subscriptions, hence they had to rely on assistance from the outside. The deficits of the famous Tribuna of Nagyszeben were covered by contributions from the Romanian Liberal Party at first, and by the Romanian Conservative Party later. ²¹² The fines imposed on Romanian journalists as a result of sentences in press trials were also

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paid thanks to contributions from Romania. Everyone knew that the expenses of the official publications of the Romanian National Party were covered from sums made available by the Romanian government. Romanian financial support could often be determined from the very contents of a paper. For instance, the Bucharest branch of the Romanian Cultural League ordered the popular Poporul Roman for the Romanians of the counties of Bihar, Szatmar, and Maramaros in 70 copies. ²¹³ Other papers were supported by the Romanian banks, or occasionally a well-to-do Romanian patron. Very few Romanian papers were able to survive from subscriptions. The oft-quoted Libertatea of Szaszvaros may be among the latter; it circulated in over ten thousand copies after ten years of publication, and the popular illustrated magazines, such as the Foia Interesanta were sold in even greater numbers. ²¹⁴ .

These Romanian papers may have been political, cultural, social or economic; as regards the state and the Hungarians, however, they exhibited a rather uniform attitude, determined by Romanian irredentism. Hence they were invariably anti-Hungarian. Although everyone was aware of this, the Hungarian state, as we shall see, guaranteed freedom of the press to all citizens, Romanians included.

While the Romanians in Hungary could boast of almost 3,000 Romanian primary schools, half a dozen Romanian secondary schools, a highly developed Romanian nationalist press, and flourishing Romanian associations, the ruling establishment in the neighboring states mercilessly repressed the culture of their minorities. The minorities living in Romania, tsarist Russia, and the Balkan states had practically no opportunity to develop.

Let us first look at the cultural situation of the minorities in the Kingdom of Romania. The Romanian government set up a school system quite different from the system of denominational schools in Hungary. Only instruction in Romanian was available to children of Romanian citizens. The overwhelming majority of schools were uniform public schools with Romanian as the language of instruction. Moreover, the Romanian government contributed to the establishment of certain private schools, of which there were two kinds. The first kind consisted of schools where all instruction was in Romanian. The children of Romanian subjects could also be admitted to these schools which were obliged to go by the curriculum prescribed by the state. The teachers had to have the same preparation as those teaching in state schools.

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The other kind of private school was not allowed to enroll children of Romanian subjects. The language of instruction could be other than Romanian, but in addition to Romanian language, geography, and history had to be taught in Romanian and according to the official syllabus. Only native Romanian teachers trained by the state and bearing a license issued by the Romanian Minister of Public Education were authorized to teach these subjects. In these private schools the principal had to demonstrate his preparation and his knowledge of Romanian orally and in writing before assuming his post; he was personally responsible to the authorities for everything that happened in the school.

It is typical of the chauvinism which characterized the cultural policies of the Romanian state that even such highly restricted private schools were not authorized for the benefit of the Hungarian Csangok or the Bulgarians. The children of the Csangok who spoke Hungarian, as well as the children of the Bulgarians of the Dobrudja had to attend primary schools where only Romanian was taught and where Romanianization was the primary goal. In 1905 the same consideration prompted the Romanian government to close down the Greek private schools, which had been authorized for the benefit of children of Greek background in the Dobrudja, under false pretenses.

The Romanian government manifested a similar chauvinism when it came to newspapers published in languages other than Romanian. Among the few such newspapers there was one weekly in Hungarian and one in Greek. The Hungarian weekly, published in Bucharest, was Roman Catholic, since the majority of Roman Catholics in Romania came from among the Csangok. The Romanian author Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu accused this weekly, in one of his articles, of nationalist bias and of spreading Hungarian nationalist propaganda. After that the Romanian postal services refused to deliver the paper to the subscribers in the Hungarian areas of Moldavia, depriving the Csangok of the opportunity of reading the only paper that appeared in their mother tongue. The weekly published in Greek suffered an even worse fate. The Romanian government closed it down in 1906, without explanation, after which the Iris could never again be published on Romanian territory. It then moved to Hungary, where its publication encountered no difficulty whatever. ²¹⁵

Apart from Hungary and Romania itself, the largest number of Romanians, almost one million, lived in tsarist Russia. Their national culture, however, was subjected to complete Russification. The tsarist regime tolerated no Romanian school or newspaper of any kind in Bessarabia, which had been absorbed into the Russian Empire. "In the

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whole of contemporary Bessarabia there is not a single Romanian school," wrote the Romanian paper of Hungary in 1912.

They have no school secular or denominational, state or private whether in the villages or in the towns.... The Russian state does not allow courses in Romanian even at the lowest level in the primary of secondary schools.... They tolerate nothing that might lead to some kind of Moldavian national culture. There is not a single true Romanian daily which might foment Romanian culture or might defend the cause of our brothers. ²¹⁶

A few weeks later a daily in Bucharest compared the situation of the Romanians of Hungary with those of Bessarabia. It described the fate of the latter in the darkest colors. It pointed out that there was no common denominator in the situation of the Romanians under Hungarian rule and those under Russian rule. While the struggles of the Romanians in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy indicate that "they live as a nation," the "silence of the tomb" among the Romanians of tsarist Russia demonstrates their "national apathy."

It seems a funeral eye-patch covers the Romanian nation in Bessarabia. We do not know their exact numbers. Their complaints do not reach the Romanian press. Their fate cannot be compared with that of the Romanians living in Austria- Hungary. The latter form a large mass that continually develops, economically and culturally. Their national consciousness is as a higher level than that of the Romanians living in free Romania. ²¹⁷

Of course, some Romanian experts, university professors or scholars, were aware of the conditions in Bessarabia. The most distinguished among them was Constantin Stere, a Romanian professor from Iasi born in Bessarabia. In Romanian public opinion he represented those who felt that Russian expansionism was a greater danger than the Hungarian ,'oppression" which threatened the Romanians living in the Monarchy. From time to time Stere brought the attention of the public to the fate of the Romanians of Russia. As one who had experienced the tsarist regime personally, he had a clear idea of the essence and methods of the Russian nationalities policies. He wrote an interesting article on this subject in January 1913, dealing with the consequences of a possible war involving Russia and Austria-Hungary. The world

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press, hence the Romanian public, felt the system of alliances would soon clash. Occasionally the Russian press wrote favorably about the national demands for the dissolution of the Monarchy, including the attachment of the Romanians under Hungarian rule to Romania. Stere sharply confronted these Romanian "national prophets" encouraged by the Russian press. "The Romanians of Transylvania," he wrote, were able to retain their national identity even after a thousand years of Hungarian rule, and can keep struggling with every hope of obtaining victory." But what would be the situation should the Russians win? "The fate of our nation in face of the victorious wave of Pan-Slavism would never be in doubt. Russian language would be introducted in education, administration, and the courts." Forty-five thousand members of the Romanian intelligentsia would be deported to Asia. A deadly silence would prevail all over the country. ²¹⁸

The cultural situation of the Romanians in the Balkan states was hardly better than the situation of those in Bessarabia. Close to half a million Romanians lived in Bulgaria and Serbia, 300,000 in Serbia alone. "They do not have a single Romanian school or assembly, wrote the newspaper Romanul in 1912. ²¹⁹ The Serbian government will not let them travel to Romania to find work, because they may return harboring Romanian feelings. Romanian feelings and Romanian culture are forbidden to them. "They would be fortunate to live under a regime like the one in Transylvania." The Romanian peasants had often tried to set up Romanian schools, but the Serbian government had always prevented them. In 1896 Covecievici, a Serbian prefect, had launched a witch-hunt against books in Romanian. Whoever was found with a Romanian book in his or her possession was in trouble. These measures were taken to ensure the continued domination of Serbian culture. The Romanian language was described as a gypsy language, and the government intended to eradicate it everywhere. School, church, and administration were turning the Romanians into Serbians. This plan might have succeeded for lack of Romanian cultural tools. ²²⁰ All manifestations of Romanian feeling were cruelly repressed. The police of Negotin punished all manifestations of Romanian nationalism by administering beatings. In the village of Isacova "the police maimed a Romanian peasant because they discovered the portraits of King Carol and the Queen in his home.'' ²²¹ Romanians under Hungarian rule knew well that no harm would befall anyone who hung the portraits of the Romanian ruling couple in their homes.

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The enormous difference separating the national culture of the Romanians of Hungary from the cultural situation of their brothers under Russian, Serbian, or Bulgarian rule is clear from the evidence above. While the Romanians of Russia and of the Balkans could not maintain a single Romanian school, nor publish a single Romanian newspaper, those of Hungary had almost 3,000 primary schools with Romanian as the language of instruction, a flourishing system of secondary schools, and theological seminaries independent of the state. Theoretically, the primary and secondary schools with Romanian as the language of instruction were maintained by the churches. In reality the Romanian banks and social institutions, as well as the Romanian state and well-to-do private citizens made significant sacrifices to assist them. Although Hungarian laws prohibited financial support from abroad, this was often condoned and, in some cases, as in that of the Romanian schools of Brasso, the regular disbursement of such support was promoted by an international agreement.

The Romanians in Hungary needed more Romanian secondary schools and even a university, in proportion to their numbers. The Hungarian state did not help to establish these, because the Romanian primary, secondary, and higher institutions already in existence operated to the end with intensely anti-state and anti-Hungarian ideas. Romanian teachers and professors taught their students to hate the Hungarian state and people, and to feel as if they belonged to Romania. Although the Hungarian government was aware of this, it did not resort to aggressive moves against the Romanian schools. The government introduced the teaching of Hungarian as a requirement only twelve years after the Compromise in the primary schools, and sixteen years after the Compromise in the secondary schools. Hungarian was not taught at all at the Romanian seminaries during the entire period of the Dual Monarchy, even though the Hungarian state made significant contributions towards their upkeep. The faculties of primary and secondary schools did not take the teaching of Hungarian seriously. The Act of 1879 was implemented only under the impact of the Apponyi Laws much later. The stricter prescriptions of these laws, adopted in response to the irredentist demonstration held in Bucharest in 1906, remained dead letters, as did the so-called cultural zone adopted because of the Romanian attack of 1916. These defensive measures aimed at neutralizing aggressive Romanian irredentism proved ineffective and hurt the Hungarian state considerably abroad.

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Hungarian education officials allowed hundreds of Romanian teachers completely unfamiliar with the language to pretend to teach it for decades. As late as the decade immediately preceding the World War there were over one hundred teachers who knew not a word of Hungarian. In spite of this they benefited from the rights granted to public school teachers along with their colleagues: they received complementary pay from the state upon request, an identification card entitling them to half-fare on the railroads, and state pensions. Occasionally they were mildly scolded for their Romanian nationalist sentiments, their irredentist or anti-Hungarian behavior, their participation in political movements, but most of them suffered no serious ill consequences. Even their participation in irredentist manifestations in Bucharest, in 1906, did not elicit severe reprisals. The behavior of the teachers who remained seated during the playing of the national anthem after they had taken the official oath in 1907 likewise remained unpunished. These facts indicate that the administration was understanding and humane towards Romanian teachers and professors to the end.

The education of students in a Romanian nationalist sense at seminaries and universities was ensured by professors of theology or by Romanian students' associations that were not controlled by the state. The expenses of the students were covered by the Gojdu Foundation with a capital of millions, by scholarships offered by the church or by associations, as well as by aid coming from the Kingdom of Romania. The Romanian seminaries received considerable state support. In spite of this the professors of theology remained just as irredentist in mentality as the teachers at the high schools who also received state subsidies. The admission of Romanian university students was not restricted by any entrance examination. Their anti-Hungarian attitude was well known.

Romanian adult education was directed by various Romanian associations. The Romanian press was not subjected to censorship. The Astra society, which could carry out its irredentist activities without hindrance in any part of the country inhabited by Romanians, had the greatest impact.

The number of Romanian illiterates in Hungary, a country accused of the oppression of Romanian schools and of Romanian culture in general, was relatively less than in the ,'free" kingdom of Romania. The first Romanian encyclopedia was published by Romanians of Hungary in Nagyszeben. The Romanians of Hungary appeared at the Bucharest fair of 1906 with twice as many choral groups as the Kingdom of Romania was able to muster. Hence the Romanians of

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Hungary were, in many respects, culturally better off than their counterparts in Romania itself

THE NATIONALITIES PROBLEM IN TRANSYLVANIA 1867-1940